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[2435
FUTURE POLICY OF THE LIBERAL PARTY.
MR. ASQUITH ON THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS.
OUR FISCAL SYSTEM. Mr. Asquith addressed a crowded meet- ing in the Froe Trade Hall, Manchester, on September 37th, in connection with the conference of the National Liberal
Federation,
CI
The ex-Premier, who was received with repeated cheers and, a cry, The Old Pilot," said: You have naturally and rightly given the first place among your resolutions to the affirmation that all other purposes must be subordinated to the effective prosecution of the war till just peace is secured, and the establish ment of a League of Nations to prevent war is recognised as the argent duty of
j
about and is being carried on under the driving stress of a supreme emergency but the effect will remain. Its embodi ment in a working constitution will, I agrees tax to the uttermost the statesman, ship of the world. It is a matter for elour, co-operative thinking, and I can not but think myself, and I throw out the
The dex: topic is one which belongs to suggestion for what it is worth, that the
the intermediate stage between the ces time has come when the best bends among sation of hostilities and the actual acttle the Allies who can be spared from comment of peace. 1 refer to a resolution batant or administrative work may be which you have put in the forefront of basembled in onference to attack the yie domatic programme dealing with practical sidea the problem, on the the rights of soldiers and sailors after the solution of which the future of mankind war. We agree that the first charge, not
greatly will depend. (Cheers.)
on the compassion and sympathy only, bat on the sense of justice of the commu- nity, is an adequate provision for our silors, soldiers, and airren who hare come back from serving at the front.
n
A GENERAL ELECTION. If I may turn how to our domestic problema, ona qulation is uppermost in the thoughts, and perhaps on the lips, of all practical politicians like ourselves. Is there, or is there not to be a General Election (Laughter.) This Parliaments elected for a maximum term of seven
consequences as that when we should be fiscal policy of the Mother Country. able to enter the council-chamber of peace (Cheers.) There are many ways in which we should do so free from the reproach the aspirations felt throughout the Em- that the only part of our Empire to pire fer closer industrial relations and which we are afraid to grant self-gov for a better and fuller organisation of ernment is that which lies nearest to our its vast and varied resources could be converted into concréte shape with prac own shores: (Cheers.)
tically universal consent, and for that purpose, among others, we ought to wel- come the more frequent and intimate interchange of counsel between states- men of the Dominions and cur country. in this con- Nor, again, in hear.) nection are we, as your revelations show, fusible to the risks, the possible risks, to national, security of dependence for some essential industries upon foreign Sources of supply. But the proper way to provide the required safeguards is not by tariffs, which are the simplest and the prektering-hear hear)--but by the State giving help. encouraging in such a form and apon such terms thans while the necessary quan. tun of production at home. is sedtired,
· RESTORATION OF LIBERTY,
The Arst result of peace to which wo must look, and for which we must work,
Linternational statesmanship. I. beartily years, came into existence in January, is the restoration of domestic liberty. the resulting in goes not into the endors that resolution. (Cheers.) Andor. In that year, by the Parliament (Cheers.) The people have submitted, Pockets of individuals, but into the coffr
if I thought that our meeting together to Act, it had voluntarily curtailed its own and, on the whole, submitted uncomplain. discuss and to forin conclusions on some existence and that of its successors to ingly, for the sake of the war, to many aspects of the work of reconstruction
five years, which would Eave brought it fetters on their habitual and traditional which must follow the war was in any to an end in January, 1916 nearly three freedom. But the limitations. such as way calculated to divert our interests and energies from the paramount object, 1years ago. Since then it has five times they are, ought not to endure an hour them being imposed should endure. should not, and I am certain that you extended its own life, I was myself re- longer than the necessity which led to sponsible for several of those extensions. would not be found in this hall to-day and have supported them all. And in (Cheers.) And this suggests to the some (Henr, hear.)"
what ground Simply that it was in considerations of a general character the highest degree undesirable to have a which, as Liberals, we ought to keep in General Election during the war-view in all the proceeding after-war re- (shers) and that with each fresh exten- construction. There are two principles sion we have entertained. I won't say an for which Liberals have always fought, expectation, but a hope, that the addi- and which will be just as vital to the tional term might carry us over the health and development of the nation duration of hostilities. The resuls, it is as. any that have been in the past. The first is that liberty is a good thing in itself and for itself. Without it you
After paying a warm tribute to our land and sen forces,, Mr. Asquith pro ceeded: The more confident our faith in ultirante victory the more it beboves H to be on our guard that the un- exampled sacrifices we have made are not wasted or frittered away. They will be wasted, I say it advisedly, they will be
not to be denied, has been a very anoms-
lous Parliamentary situation. Those who
a a setting were elected in 1911 and still remain
can never provide that equality of
A great
(Cheers) of the community. deal of loose language is used in regard
od
and
what is called an economie hoycott." the so called Paris Resolutions are some times twisted to a purpose for which they were never intended An economic boy- cott is a perfectly legitimate, and may be the most effective available weapon, whether of offence er defence, for a helli
I should gerent State. It may be expedient,
employ it. even necessary,
if employed certainly not hesitate to se for the purpose of obtaining just terins and a lasting peace. It may well form part of the armoury by which a League of Nations can enforce the common will against some refractory State or stoup of States. But to use it as a method of
conducting usistent with what I have
inconsistent
1 year ago a clean peace and the settled up of an international polity which will have an ever-waning title to. net as the opportunity which is the foundation of said about the requisites of a clean prace. living mouth-pieces of the constituencies social justice, and the only means by. which they ostensibly represent. Those which the country can make the best use who have been returned by elections in the interest of all, of its human re- have come in under the party irace which sources. Without it you will never secure binds them, above and before all things the free scope for personal initiative and
chain up for ever the faries of war (Cheers. I will say a few words if you will allow me on each of those two points.
First: What do we mean by a clean pence We mean. I at any rate mean, a. pence which attains for the world the objects for which we have been Eghting. which is clean in the sense that it cleans the slate, but clean also in another and a higher scase, that, as was wisely stated here in Manchester the other day, dous not offend the conscience either of the victor or of mankind.. (Cheers.) Tha Germans have given us an object-lesson at Brest-Litovsk of what a peace should not be. The only pence which we can accept is one that guarantees to nations, small and great, security against sinister and predatory ambitions and the full right of self-determination. (Cheers.)
I will say a word, and only a word, on one particular aspect of the post-war in a sens overshadows all problem
I mean national finance. the others. The first duty of the country, will be to tighten as rapidly as may be the fod to support the Government of the day self-development which we Liberals be of the dead-weight debt. Now there are in the prosecution of the war. The conse-lieve to be just as essential in the domes" twe ways, nad two ways only, in which In the frst place, by. generis. I admit that fully, that we tic sphere as we have declared it to be in it can be done.
the war in which we are now engaged addition to the national production of have a House of Commons in whose arteries and veins the old blood is drying But there is a second principle which wealth-fhear, hear)-through increased un and the new blood is not free to dow runs through and connects a hundred efficiency in the application of Capital (Laughter.) It is through no fault of its Liberal causes, on one of which I have and Labour, and, secondly, by a more own, a growingly impotent body, of which often insisted as your leader in days equitable adjustment of the burden of gone by--the subordination of special taxation on the basis of relative ability Even criticism, is severely restrained, and there is no place for constructive power. interests and the privilege of particular to bear it. The passing of the Reform Act, with its classes to the general good. You will new electorate and its new constituencies, and that that, too, has practical appli is, of course, also, a very material fact
cations in the work of reconstruction. It I have put the case as strongly as I rules out all attempts at setting up. the service. can, but not, I think more strongly ascendaney, even though draped under
But than it deserves. (Hear, hear.)
on
de-
DOMESTIC PROBLEMS.
I spoke of the indispensability of social
There is one group--the most X important one-which concerns the health education. ef children and young people, provision for those who, through and the old age, have fallen out of the ranks of industry, with.
statement that in resing and matteic
Particularly as to
the
may
the
I do not agree to these
we are behind the great
(Cheers.) Next, for that purpose if must my judgment.& General Election under the carriers and bankers, the clearing iceable as has been its working,
tex
the
with special rights and claims of its own. of domestic concern, to the other point seers to me to be decisive against holding. It indicates the expediency, on the other
I come now, before I pass to matters there is one dominating reason which democratic disguises, of any new class, of the homes of the nation, the care and I mentioned as with us the governing
a General Election at the present time tand. not, indeed, in my opinion, of new tinter object, the creation of a
or until we have reached, or, at any anything in the nature of centralised A great deal has national policy. already been said and written about what rate, are within sight of the end of the direction of industry-we have before our that track-bus of keeping under control. is called the League of Nations. There war. It is the same reason which, as I has recently been formed atgong have said, has induced the House of Comey beacons which ought to keep as oft
mans on five secasions artificially to pro- in the common interest to avoid the countries of Europe. But, though we means abreast of our responsibilities. I League of Free Nations Association. long its life, and the reason is in a risks at monopoly and to safeguard y be ahead of others, we are by no which is promoted. I am glad to say, or full operation to-day as it has ever been. social exigencies, such enterprises Five take housing. It is estimated that when without men of all political parties, and I should
(Cheers.) It is founded upon what seems them only as samples-as those which deal the war is over something like 400,000
new houses ought to be built, like here to repeat one or two points which I have already put before them to me an absolutely certain forecast of with transit, the supply of light and
I cul power, and the production and consump taking into accounts the heavy arrears in They are both negative and positive. Tet what a General Election under such con-
ditions would really mean.
ciple is plain, though there will always molishing and clearing away both urban In the first place the proposed League dissipation of energy. It would show them in the party of free thought like und rural slums, All this has now to bo me briefly recapitulate them. Negative mean the distraction of interest and the tion of intoxicating drink. The prin- repairing those which, exist, and in de does not aim at or involve the suppres: impossibility of concentrating attention our own for divergence as to the limits made good, and without delay, by the
co-operation of central and local sion or curtailment of the political pendence of the constituent States; and, on the future, while the present, with its
And. gentlemen, there is another de- and when we remember the rise produced by war conditions, both in cost of build- secondly, still less does it aim at oblite daily vicissitudes of fortune, absorbs at any given time of its application,
our attention and anxiety. It would be
here a new bead of expenditure which, rating or fusing the national individuali embarrassed by the insuperable difficulty partment in which both these principles
abundant signs that we may have to ties of the people who compose those of presenting clear-cnt issues, and. more some into play, and in which there are ng and in the rate of interest, we have as the best form of national insurance. Let States. Each will continue to pursue its
that, in apple man the certainty fend them against invasion and attack. hervy as it is, we are bound to undertake me add, in regard to old age pensions, own lines of self-development and to con
appearance at any tribute ita special gifts or facilities or services to the common stock of mankind perhaps in reality, national unity would I refer to international trade. Those are negative. What ought it to be broken just at the time and in the hear.) I have read with satisfaction and which I had the honour ind. the privilege
circumstances when it is of paramount with complete agreement your resolution of incorporating as part of the last paration for war. Urder our system of mons, I will only say that after
There was
admirable s in most aim at on the positive side? First. importance that it should be preserved in Free Trade. (Cheers.) Talk of Prget I introduced in the House of Com-
5 years' experience,
of interest and the interest of our Free Trade we were secure secks to do for the community of nations
raw ways has hea the working
that system eat of all our what the laws of nations have already
Allies and in the interest of the great. constant influx of the food and
a
ost economical To abolish done for civilised society.
in administration by a long way war an a method of settling disputed cause for which we are concerned. In material we needed, and we had become is the
soch conditions would be inconsistent house and financial centre of the whole equin itself with machinery for inter with the best interests of this nation and world. I spoke a few moments ago of think the time has come when we might
the supreme services rendered by the vention and conciliation and judical
matter, particularly in regard the whole Navy. But where would the Allied cause well have an authoritative inquiry into arbitrament in all international differ of the Allied cause. (Bear, hear)
THE PARTY'S OBJECTIVES.” have been without our merchant ship to the thrifty poor. (Hear, hear.) In ences Thirdly, in the last resort, deci
How, without those this, and indeed in every chapter of re are we ping. (Cheers.) sions must be armed with the sanction
Why, then, it may be asked," of the common will, and, if need be. by here to-day? The answer is that (when ships, could even the resources of Ame construction, I should be prepared to joint coercive action. Further, it will be over an election takes place) it is high rica in men and material have been made, adopt for myself, and to recommend to come--and I attach great importance to time to think out our views and to state as they have been this year, effectively my friends, as a convenient and appro this-in time the clearing house of discus then explicity as to the problems which available? And, as everyone knows who priate watchword and summary," sion and communication between States will confront us when victory is attained, has studied the facts, it is no exaggera formula of a national minimum. In con through which-and this may, give some I do not think we need apologise in the tion to say that but for the stability and crete terms I understand that to mean satisfaction to those who are suspicious least for discussing what used to be called resourcefulness of our financial system we ought not to be content until every and the programme except, perhaps, to our Allies could not possibly have bean British citizen, man, woman, and child, of secret diplomacy-covenants treaties will pass before they take their those people who think that when the equipped to supply their own needs and has in possession, or within reach
to sustain the unexampled strain of the standard of existence, physical, intel- conflict. place upon the international statute waters of the war subside all those old
Free Trade has enabled us to lectual, moral, social, which makes life book. (Cheers.) Again, it will open its party distinctions which have been tem-
course of this war. (Cheers.) We are but opens the road to its best and highest i doors and offer a seat at its council-table porarily submerged will prove to have play a dominating part in the whole worth living, and not only does not block. to all States, without exception, who heen permanently obliterated. Some of
And lastly, that same idea of a national these matters we have much to learn in
as I think, to inspire can give an earnest of their loyalty to them even go so far as to discern, told, I know that the war has shown that possibilities. (Cheers.) its purpose and its epirit. It will take imagination, a new earth, with a new and still more to unlearn. (Hear, hear.) minimum ought, under protection and secure against set of Commandments, and with new Some of our would be instructors seem to and direct the inevitable and much-needed aggression and selfish exploitation the rules both of logic and of arithmetic. I think that the best way of keeping us reconstruction of the relations between
do not hold these, views. (Cheers.) smaller States, and the backward and un
argumenta that were obsolete and fallacies first by means of the machinery of in organised races and territories of the I must, however, on the threshold. and is by the reproduction of the Capital and Enbour. We must provide,
have never preached, I minimum wage.
We must provide, next, world and, lastly, it will seek by all make one exception in regard to which that were exploded fifty years ago dustrial councils and trade: boards,
erd I have stood on na many for shorter hours, especially in the more and for nation in (Laughter.) both the area and the effectiveness of its immedinte from the point of view alike never
I refer, of Free Trade platforms as probably any arduous industries. We must provide, operations, and will be free to treat as of policy and of honour. outside the comity of nations such States course; to Ireland (lond cheers)-where man in this country, we have never farther, fer definite and regular holidays, Trade as an abstract or and for a proper system of good super been annuation. And lastly, what is, per as still adhere to militarism and the rule the situation, already delicate, but after preached Free
the labours of the Convention, not absolute doctrine. We have always
the most urgent and most difficult of force.
1 agreo with the chairman that is a without hope, has been entangled by content with the more modess and more but before
relevant
of all, for the prevention of those lines and economic situa- unemployment. It is population can boy scheme not so Utopian as it still sounds gratuitous difficulties. (Cheers.). We are in the compositions that for a country
of our it is a demonstrable
the mas to many people. The war has been, in witnessing the easily foresceable and, in 1
sity. (Cheers.)
And there is nothing secured in the possession of adequate
of more ways than one, if I may adapt an intleed, predicted consequences of the
of the war facilities for home life the experience old phrase, an evangelic preparation for erude mishandling, this last spring of the
which it such a league. In the first place, by its Irish problem of military service. I pur in my judgment at any rate, that tends
faith of free human develop. revelation of the infinite and still not posely do not go Enzther into that aspect in any way to the conclusion that after and for the for educational progress fully developed potentialities of the of the case, except to express the hope
part of the field of reconstruction not application of science to the machinery that Ireland, including Ulster, will often shail be better off by any system mont. I might easily, enlarge my survey of destruction, it has already gone a long her own free will make good the quota of tariffs, preferential or differential, and extend my topics, and leave a large We Liberals are as much concerned as only uncovered, but untouched; but will, way to convince the world that war under which she owes to the defence of world punitive or prohibitive. modern conditions has become a form wide freedom. (Cheers.) I desire, rather
Our with you one guiding thought. the tia which unite' our Empire.. of insanity and suicide. (Loud cheers.) to insist upon that which is fundamental, any man or woman can be to strengthen ip concluding, ask permission to leave Nothing is more certain than that. If the and involves, as I have said, both. the Empire, unique in history, exists and great question of the democracies of 10- competition in armaments is allowed to honour of our statesmen, and what is holds together because, alone among Em- day is how to reconcile both in separate continue for the lifetime of other equally important, the moral authority
fraternity with complete local autonomy, tions the elaitos of free self-development generation the next great war will bring of this country as a partner in the Allied pires, it combinee & common loyalty and societies and in the larger family of ra about the practical extinction of civil canse. (Hear hear.) We are pledged, We should never dream, not a man with the restraints and obligations fiscal common interests and the attainment of Dominions sation and the permanent crippling of all of us, without slackness and without amongst us, of seeking to enforce upon which are needed for the safeguard of
of
This war, with all its the human race (Hear, hear) But delay, to arrive at a solution of the further the war has also shown, and I problem of the relations of these two arrangements which were felt by its common ideals. speak here more particularly of the ex-islands. There is nothing, believe me people to be inconsistent with their own tragedies of suffering and of sacrifice, is perience of ourselves and of our Allies, I have said it before in the House of richest and fullest economic development purifying and cleansing the atmosphere. Commons more than once; I repeat it (heat, hear) and the Dominions, in We can neither go back to the past, nor the practical poésibilities of cooperation and joint, counsel and action: between
turn, as we know from declarations of rest in the present, but out of the lessons nations ng diverse as any in the world
their responsible statesmen (laughter and the experience of both we can build in their traditions, their methods, and
and cheers)-would never dream of in-up a worthier fabric for the future 'nf their habita. True, this has been brought
terforing, directly or indirectly, with the humanity. (Loud cheers.)
here to my countrymen outside there is nothing in the whole sphere of our Im perial and domestic policy so immediate in its urgency or no far-reaching in its
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