THE HONGKONG DAILY PRESS,
IRELAND AND CONSCRIPTION it is no use but only an academic demon-
HOME RULE FIRST.
In the Hours of Commons, on April 12th, on Clause 2 of the Military Service Bill, which gives power, by Order in Council, to apply the Act to Ireland,
Mr. Lardner moved an amendment pro viding that the Act should not come into foren in Ireland until after the passing of a resolution by an Irish Parliament Assuming that the approving of it. Government of Ireland Bill was at pre- sent in operation and a Parliament was sitting in Dublin, would the British Government-great as was the need for
stration-but which if it succeeded must have the effect of preventing those who are responsible to this nation and Empire and to our Allies for extricating the geartest of causes from the gravest of perils which would have the effect of preventing them, possibly for weeks, from doing what it is in the interests of the country and the world essential that they should do.
A GRAVE RESPONSIBILITY. But, while I say that; I have not in the least degree modified my view to the gravity of the responsibility which the Government have taken upon therosclves
Such being the east, he appealed to hon members not to throw taunts at one another because a conclusion had been come to which was painful to them. Let them think of the task in which they wore engaged. (Cheers) After all, the first obligation of a Government and of a citizen was the defence of the State. (Hear, hear.) As matters stood to-day Ireland was an integral part of the United Kingdom.
A Nationalist Member: Rot. Mr. Duke said he agreed with Mr. Henderson and Mr. Asquith as to the Irish position. Every friend of Ireland desired that the grievance of that country
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 19TH, 1918.
Captain Sheehan said that there were at least 50,000 men of military age in Ireland who had gone across from Eng were All. land to evade military service. They did not want them in Ireland, for they ing up the houses in the watering-places. If young Irishmen wore to arve it must e in compliance with, and at the command of, an Irish Parliament. The
game by a
promoting strife in Ireland. government were playing Germany's Germany began the war because she be- loved there would be strife in Ireland.
Colonel Sir M. Sykes said the pationco
of the Irish people might have been tried in various ways, but the patience
men-venture to impose conscription on with regard to the application of com- with regard to self-government should be of the English people had been severely
Ireland without taking the opinion of
the Irish House of Commons? The House could not claim any right, moral or legal, to impose conscription on a people which had been given the right to manage its own affaire. The proposal to apply the Act to Ireland by an Order in Council was nothing short of tyranny."
be that there should be a quarrel between
removed, and he hoped that before this tried in regard to Ireland. The greatest bill was parted with members from Irc-disaster that could befall Ireland would land would see that the Government were decided that the Home Rule question should be settled in such a way as to give satisfaction to Irish aspirations.
HOME RULE WITHOUT DELAY
the democracies of the two countries. With the fate of this country hanging in
the balance and the necessity to find men for the front, the English people would not care about the question of Home Rule, Mr. Duke: If there is a Home Rule and would not trouble much as to the Bill or a self-government bill which offers methods employed in Ireland. He ad- the prospect of a settlement of the difmitted that Ireland had been woefully ficulties of this question, I am satisfied mishandled, and a great deal of respon that the temper in which this matter is sibility rested on both English parties regarded in Ireland will be totally difin that House An equally heavy re ferent from that in which it is now responsibility rested on those who encourag
pulsion to Ireland. (Hear, hear.) I do wish to associate myself with a great deal of what has just fallen from Mr. Hender. Let us assume that this clause is Boing to be incorporated in the bill. It an empowering clause, a clause which enacts that his Majesty may by Order of Council extend the Act to Ireland. That Mr. MacVeagh said if the Government
is a process which must take time. The persisted in their present attempt to Minister of National Service on January impose conscription on Ireland against 17th last, after stating that the Govern the will of the people of that countryment, after fully investigating the matter, their action would be resented in every considered that to include the proposal county, city, and village, and they would to apply compulsory military service to turn the whole country into a veritable Ireland would not help on the war, progarded. shambles. A sub-committee of the Irish ended in these terms: Convention had made the following re port; Assuming that a scheme of self gest that some measure of compulsion for government for Ireland be adopted, infectand should be applied under this bill cluding the establishment of an Irish Parliament and an executive Government responsible thereto, we think it would in practice be impossible to impose a system of compulsory service on Ireland without the assent and co-operation of the Irish Parliament.
"I wonder if hon. members who sug
have considered what such a proposal would mean if it became law in getting the machinery under way, and at what month the effects of such a measure would begin to show themselves in the field
What was then said is equally true and appropriate now. Therefore, if it is not a thing that can be done in a hurry, and if it is possible even now, after all this controversy, to bring about a condition, nn atmosphere, in Ireland which shall not be fatal to the best hopes and the future of the United Kingdom and of the Empire, why should not the time which the Minister of National Service says must be occupied in this preparatory operation-why should it not be given to bringing in, and expressing through this House, without a moment of unavoidable delay, a bill for bringing into operation that which the Prime Minister only two nights ago referred to in these terms
As soon as arrangements are complete the Government will, by Order in Council, put this Act into immediate operation and meanwhile we intend to invite Par liument to pass a measure of self-govern ment for Ireland."
unity
THE CHIEF SECRETARY-
Mr. Dillon Nonsense; it will make no change, as you will find to your cost.
Mr. Duke, continuing, pointing out that young unmarried men would be called first. He agreed it would be a disservice to the State to call into the ranks men suffering under a grievance. The desire of the Government was to remove any such grievance, and in that desire the Government asked for the hell of the House and the country. On behalf of the Government and on bis own behalf he assured the House that the intention of the Government was to present a bill for Irish self-government without delay, and ag an urgent matter to be prosecut ed with the utmost despatch. He asked that the House and the people of Ireland would believe that nothing would be more satisfactory to the Government than that a Parlinment should be erected in Dublin before any Irishman came to the colours, He hoped that was a fair response to the challenge of Mr. Henderson, If this had been a clause for applying couscription without regard to the setting up of Home Rule he would not have been a party to the appeal to co it. (Irish cheers.) He hoped that Ire land-would respond operate in settling the two questions the help of Ireland for the defence of her own shores and the Empire, and the question of the settlement of the relations between two islands which ought to lie bosom friends,
Mr. Devlin said Irishmen recognized no right of the King, Lords, and Com mong to impose a blood-tax on Ireland. Had they any such right in Australia or South Africa? Because Ireland was robbed of constitutional freedom, Parlia ment claimed the right to impose that which she dare not impose on the Domin ions. Ireland wanted the status and the power of Canada and Australia. The Irish wanted no bargain,
Mr. Duke I did not suggest a bar gain.
ed illegality He imagined that the Bill would produce a long, bitter, and main tained resistance, but he did not believe there would be a great open resistance or a great rebellion.
JUSTICE OR PHYSICAL FORCE."' What he dreaded was a coustani series. of miserable events which would react not only in this country, but in America and the Colonies. The enormous Irish population outside Ireland if it saw that series of miserable events month after mouth would grow gradually hostile. The Government had taken its decision to stand or fall by the bill, and as a follower of the Government it was his duty to support them. But as they had taken this conscription step they arust also take. the other, and bring in a Home Rule Bill. That would be diffcult course, and would proveke annoyance in certain quarters in Ireland. He was certain that the English democracy would not be be hind the Government if it saw it taking the one measure without the other. There was no basis except one of justice or violent physical force on which Irish been proved to the frish people that the affairs could be managed until it had law was equal for all, and that it was not possible for one political party to break the law and not to be punished, and another to ho treated differently. (Nationalist cheers)
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He would remind Ulstui Unionists that every grave crisis in Parliament during the last seven years in regard to Ireland had opened an avenue for settlement after the crisis, and once again perhaps CUTLER PALMER & CO,'S another opportunity had presented itself. There was Mr. Dev'in's offer. It seemed to him to make the suggestion that if Sir E. Carson said, If the Irish nation is in the war Ulster is in the Trish nation, Sinn Fein would be dead, and there would be such a wave of enthusiasm over Ire
and that the Irish divisions would be filled to overflowing. He believed that the Nationalist and Unionist parties Mr. Devlin said let Mr. Duke introduce would find themselves at the head of an his self-governing proposals, let them bo Army far beyond the hopes of the Minig- satisfactory, and let them be put in opeter of National Service England had a ration. Then let the Irish Parliament right on many accounts to be grateful to decide whether they would have conscrip. Ulster. If he might be permitted, speak- tion, or let them have a referendum, and ing to Ulster Unionists, to use a Crom let the people of Ireland, by self-deter wellian phrase, it would indeed be a mination, settle this question, and then crowning mercy if action were taken nove Ireland would be prepared to close the which would give the Empire the men black and bitter chapter of the past, and and settle the Irish question which start out anew on a more friendly and settled rightly, the war, would be won, and Lister would be able to say, relationship.
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Mr. A. Benderson said the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the second reading of the bill that the Gov ernment were staking their existence not merely on the policy but almost on the language of Clause 2 was one of the most surprising announcements he had ever heard. The right hon. gentleman ignor ed the very long and painful history of the Irish question and the mischievous lead that be and others occupying very responsible positions within quite recent times gave in Ireland. The second policy was that proposed by the amendment. He believed the wisest course the Govern ment could take would be to withdraw the clause altogether; but if they could not see their way to do that, he thought the minimum they ought to do was to tell the Committere in plain language fabt if they carried the clause as it now stood they would not put it into opera- tion in any shape whatsoever until Home Rule was the law of the land in Ireland
Will the Government now make it per He believed that if the Government put fectly plain that if this clause is added their policy in operation forthwith there to the bill, and the bill receives the Royal would only be one party in Ireland, and
assent, and becomes an Act of Parlia that that party would be a Sinn Feinment, and this empowering clause is at part rather than a Constitutional party the disposal of the Executive, will they (Hear bear,)
state definitely and explicity that the MR. ASQUITH ON THE NATION'S PERIL. time shall be occupied in priority to all At other business except, of course, what is Mr. Asquith: Two nights ago on the indispensably necessary for the actual econd reading I made an appeal to the conduct of the war in passing through Government to see their way if they could this House, and through another House, to the omission of this clause. That until it receives the Royal Assent, a appeal was not conceived in any spirit of generous and unstinted measure of Irish hostility to the general purposes of the self-goverament? I believe that even now measure. Quite the contrary. Nor was we might without prolongation of this it inspired by any sympathy on my part embittered and most unhappy controversy (Loud with the widespread reluctance of the arrive a practical: Irish people to submit in the stress of the cheers. Y war to compulsion. I stand in rather a special position in regard to this matter.
Mr. Duke said the late Prime Minister I was mainly responsible for the intra- duction of the original Military Service had brought the debate to its true level. He did not believe that he or any of Act, but being in that position I feel I
Ulster has done it." (Cheers.) k ought in the public interest to state his colleagues had under-estimated the plainly to tas Government the grave tremendous gravity of the decision which
Mr. Hugh Law said, in opposing the difficulties and objections which I saw to rested with the Government of the day
The wisest course for the Government clause, Irishmen were not insensible to the extension of the application of the with regard to the two topica which ine- Act to Ireland. I hoped the appeal Ivitably became associated when they had to take was to withdraw the clause at the peculiar difficulties of the present At a military situation. H had never been then made might have been responded to, to discuss the immediate question of the the earliest possible moment, because I thought as a matter of practical contribution of Ireland in man-power to critical period of the great European himself opposed to the principle of con- expediency the addition to your military the prosecution of the war. It seemed to struggle the Government apparently scription, whether in relation to Ireland man-power, which upon the most sanguine him that when, on the day that the order wanted to create civil war in Ireland, not or elsewhere, but the essence of the matter estimate might be expected from apply was made for printing. the report of the because they believed that couscription was consent.
Bir W. H Dickinson, as a follower of ing compulsion to Ireland would for the Convention, his Majesty's Government could be of any service to them, but he essential purposes of the wor be offset and found it to be its inexorable duty to make cause they had been jockeyed into their possibly neutralised by the difficulty--a
this proposal now before the House of present position by Sir E. Carson, He Mr. Asquith, said the present military for many of them who would have felt difficulty greater now than ever in the Commons, it was a situation of unpreced- was prepared to make an offer to the crisis was so grave that it was impossibile past-of applying to a community in a ented promise for the future of Ireland Government. If they would bring in a bound to vote against what they could free Empire like ours a measure which, that it was not merely that the Conven broad measure of self-government, based rightly or wrongly, it offensive to the pre tion had come to a conclusion the main on lines which would satisfy national not bat regard as a most unwise course, dominant sentiment of the people. My characteristic of which was agreement, aspirations, and call together at the ear to follow their inclinations. He suggest right hon. friend told me that the Go and not disagreement. It gave security liest moment a free Parliament, repreed that conscription should not come into ernment could not accept that appeal, for the introduction of a bill that would senting Irish citizenship, and give the operation in Ireland until an Order in and indicated that if the decision of the have the support of men representing the first manifestation in their power of trust Council had been made appointing a day. House on this point should be adverze Nationalists, the Unionists, and the in Ireland, they would get from Ireland when a Home Huie Act was to come into they would feel compelled to decline Labour members in the House of Com what they had received from Southford H. further to discharge the responsibilities mons, but it also gave security for the Africa. At the beginning of the war, be Lord H. Cavendish-Bentinck thought of offee. I am speaking entirely for introduction in the House of Lords of a asked his late leader to permit him to that from a military point of view the myself, and do not claim to influence the bill for the self-government of Ireland poin the colours. Mr. Redmond put be proposal to apply conscription to Ireland judgments or actions of others. If we which would have the support of some fore him reasons which made it impossible would be almost valueless, whilst the were under normal conditions, or any there who in past times had been its most for him to join at that time: If the political results would be simply disas thing like normal esuditions-1 am powerful opponents. In the House of Government did what he (Mr. Devlin) trous. He did not want to do anything speaking not simply of peace conditions Commons they yearned to settle this ques had suggested, he would be the first to to embarrass the Government, but he did but of normal war conditions I should tion, and a great mass of them were of go and join as a private. (Cheers.) He appeal to them to begin their operations
HE VOLUME, which consists of 497 not hesitate to support the opinions I opinion that almost any sacrifice was would constitute himself the leader of all at the right end. Let them begin their have expressed by appropriate Parlia warranted that would effect a permanent the young and generous hearts which recruiting operations by first of all get- mentary action. But not only are the and safe solution of a difficulty which would be touched by the chivalry and sing the goodwill of the Irish people. Fagon, and includes a Sketch ri conditions not normal, but they are con had harassed the relations between the sustice of the Government's act, and he Let them bring in a generous measure of of historical interest showing the dispost dition, which are unexampled in the two countries so long. He did not be. I would do his best to rally them to the Home Bale and trust to the generosity hon of the Forces at the battle of Ewei- history of this country. On Tuesday last lieve there was a man in Ireland who support of this country in the present of a generous, high-spirited, and high, is dedicated to Sir HomET HANE, I ventured to impress on the House the would not readily acquiesce in the state time of bitter trial. What more a man minded people to do the rest and they 0.0.M.G., and Dr. A. Bassi jeopardy to which the cause on which the ment of Mr. Asquith that we were now could offer than that was for the Govern would not be disappointed. If they must. It description of Chinese Eocial bearts of all of us are set, and which we under conditions unprecedented in the ment to say. (Cheers.) go forward with this clanse let there hang Customs and Superstitions, comblast never intend to betray, is exposed: But history of the country. The Irish by Mr. Adamson appealed to the Govem it up till they saw, whether another House with the Insight gives into political grave as was the situation then, it is far their representatives in Parliament gere ment to give an undertaking that the He had served in the Dardanelles with conditions in China, make "CHILDRE graver to-day. (Hear, hear, I am not solemnly committed to the prosecution of clause would not be put into operation Irish regiments, and they were not lad: OF PAR CANHAT MEAN GZcellent volume "for using the language of pessimism or panic the war Having considered the whole at a Home Rule Bill had been placed
we feel neither pessimism nor panic problem of the prosecution of the war,
that the question of the government of filled him with disgust to hear taunts but the most criminal folly we could the Government had come to the cone on the statute-book Labour was ancious ing in courage of patriotism, and it presentation to friends at Home commit would be to blind our eyes to the sion with regard to Ireland not light Freland should be settled on sound and levelled at the Irish. If the Government at the beginning of the war had had the extent and urgency of the perils to which heartedly nad certainly in no spirit of
courage to put the Home Rule Act into we are exposed, and it this moment I antagonism to Ireland that it was their sensible lines.
operation things would have been very would not be a party in this House to mexorable duty to come to a decision on proceeding, legitimato and indeed im the question of conscription. From that
different
The debate was continued, perative under normal conditions, which position it had not been possible to re if it succeeded and if it does not succeed, gede.
Captain Amery, as a convinced Unionist, supported the appeal made to the Government by Mr. Asquith and Mr.
Henderson,
of Parliament would agree to it or not.
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