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THE HONGKONG DAILY PRESS, MONDAY, OCTOBER 6ra, 1913.
LORD LOREBURN'S APPEAL TO THIS.
NATION.
(TO THE EDITOR. OF THE 7 TIMES.'')
Su-1 hope that it is not untimely to trouble you with a letter upon. the Irish question, during the calm of a recess which has rarely been better care. My excuse mes be that we are rapidly approaching .9, erita Lima And I hold that every one, whatever his opinions tasy bo, ought to help toward a friandly settlement. If all sincero off ons inil then we dan undertake, with becoming resolution the steps necessary toward carrying out whatever policy may bo determined.
. It is of no use lecturing en auther or siplining the enormity of zeach other's conduct for policy. For the problem of freind is admittedly one of great difficulty and has come down from bygone gonera- tívny and none of us, perhaps, have been at all times very wise in handling it, Tho better course is to look at Facts as they are, A Gwernment Bill is awaiting its passage into hw, and Parliament is divided into two greal çamps, one to which I belong support- jing, the other opposing it. What is likely
to hippen if it passes and what is likely to g happen if it is in some way defeated?-
ill first suppose that the Bill-heromes las ext summer, as indeed seems probable. It is inconceivable that Ministers should abanion it unless somc alternative is gonetnily, accepted. No good purpose, how- uver, gau be served by ignoring the certainty that the passage of this Bill will be followed by serious rioting in the North of Ireland.
is an extravagance to speak of civil war, or to fancy that the troops if called upon: will refuse to maintain order. But we I know from exporience in the past that muol wide disturbance may be expected, more wideprend and more violent than on any form occasion during our times, For theart is n general belief that the Conserva- tive Party in England is prepared to condete if not to approve of it.
This novel feature enunot fail to indame the conflict. Then it has been found in the recept. prostutions that, though many people were
24 sounded, juries" refused to “conviet.
prospect of impunity ustarally encourages the lementers of disorder. Also an imapres- sion scoms to have been created that Miniters will not under any circumstances use military for spinst rioters. I am consinced that no such thing can have been deliurately either said or conveyed. Tho primary duty of any civilized Governmont is to protect life and property, and it would lead morely to waste of life if any doubt were allowed to remain upon this point. But the impression has been created and tend toward making things worse.
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No doubt it would be a blinder to take too ragically the prospect of a Protestant also be the far more subtle and intractable rising With the utmost encouragement mischief of boycotting and intimidation on only a fraction of those able to bear arms a larger scale and over widor area, to would be likely to quit their peaceful tormont whatever now Government might avocations in order to join in battle when succeed the presont and to throw the whole. there is no victual oppression, though it may country into confusion. Granted that the become almost a point of honour to do overwhelming power of a British Govern- souching after the menacing predictionsmcut could preserve comparative -order. that have been uttered. Still however Granted that it is the duty of any Govern coalient we may feel that the affair would mont to use that power and not to be be qe of street fighting, quite within terried by any menaces from maintaining powo of the constabulary with or without what it regards as right in the public in- quell in a short time, it would none terest. None the less must we realize how troops the loss he a grave calamity. When the great a defusion it is to enfipose that aur riots had been quellad the spirit that choice is between two paths, one leading to prompted them would remain. For u genera-fury and bloodshed, the other loading tien ja come the chance of bringing about tranquillity. Both of the paths which aro ordial partnership in self-government open at this moment, unless some cominon betalen Protestant and Roman Catholic agreement can be reached, must inevitably Ireland would be seriously impaired, if there take us into serious trouble. Is there, then, is a forecd subraission. Resertunt would really nothing that can be done except to findvent in boycutting and intimidation and watch the play of irreconcilable forces" jo, a abrutivo jury trinks, such as often follow spirit of indolent resignation? the repression of a popular outburst in most countries, certainly in that country. Comervative majority may find itself in power at Westminster strne day, perhaps knows under what conditions or with what pledges. It might repel the Act or amend it. All these ourtintios and contingencies have to by facol. It away be necessary for the Govern ment to take alí risks. It anus, be feualish to gnore them, and looking at this aspect of the vase alone it is intelligible that basty crits should say Drop the Hill, its çons. queues are too serious.
VEFF, Soon, No whe
H.
A
TIL
I support what has been independently recommended by others, that there should be Conference or direct communication between the leaders, Even if there was little chance of arriving at a settlement by jonsent, evou if it were clearly to the interest of any party, as a party, that there should be no settlement, still I should submit that the attempt ought to be made, rather than that we should drift into a fasting antagonism for want of an honest effort. But there are grounds for hoping that the attempt would not be fruitless, and it can be donionstrated that the interest of no arts. great or small, would be prejudiced
it. Every party and, what is important, every section of the community stands to lose by fighting out this quarrel to the bitter end.
LENO
:
between
But look at the other side. Suppose that the BR proceeds in the ordinary Parliamen tary grove and by some accident it is rejete without being repinced by some acceptable measure. Is the prospect of that altenative more reassuring? Some people, inwardly ·Conscians
formidable
Také Mr. Redmond and his supporters, dilema, take refuge in the comfortable dorine that after all the Irish, who have Me Redmonit is a man of talent and fores for early 30 years returned Nationalist sight; to put it very moderatel. He cannot members for four-fths of ireland either fail to sc0 the great difficulties of a unmposed or by overwhelming ranjorities. Nationalist Ministry in Ireland straggling dos wat really care for Home Raic, but that inte life in the midst of sectarion hatred and
combination 1 it all done by the agitute and all will hampered by setio dong quietly if only the Bill is Protestants in the north nad powerful defuted, I remember the same thing boing Conservative organizations in England. He said against reform of the Irish land laws. may have to meet this storm without having It & the commonpare of those who ive in the control either of the military or the drownland. For more than a quauites of a police, and no doubt he would encounter it vemary no Natinalist he raterel ang rather than abandons his ideals. But presum Government, and no perceptible change has truken plaes in the dull monomy with which would far rather have harmony, and in fact has quite plainly said so, though he members under the strictest pledge of yofmined from indicating what concessions fddity to Home ale have been sent to be had in view. Mr. O'Brien has yons. Westminister. Two or three soots have been always hold or lost by a narrow margin. Afarther in this direction. fey have sometimes stood apart from their colognes upon. KNO difference as to methods or as to persons, but they have always been for Home Rate, all of them.
|
1039
it is in the interests of the Liberal Party- to find a way by consent if it can be safely and honourably done, that no one shaft, triumph and no one suffer humiliation, is too obviɔns to need argument,
go into
Let us so now what was the position of Lord Lansdowne in the same debate, which is the highost importance, because it is the last debate that has taken place on this subject. Lord Lansdowne thought that the Bill could not be allowed to Committee because that course would ha sesopting the principle of the Bill and also would be sequiescing in the treatnient which had been metod out to the House of Lords. Itk a great pity, for I think, the House might have considered the Bill in Committee, after express reservation made, without either accepting its principle or amquiescing in the way the House had itself been treated, and something useful might have been the outcome of a detailed discussion. But, limited though the disenssion was, Lord Lansdowne used language which-doservės close attention. He spoke of the Bill as one which would not bring us one step neer to that larger and once complete | measure of devolution which so many of the host friends of Ireland desire,” He then referred to Lord Grey's support of the principle of federation. And, speaking of Alinistors, he said: Whenever their scheme of federation is produced 1, for one, am ready to treat it with the utmost respect aud desire to find in it a solition of the difficulties with which we have for so long contended." A measure larger and more. complete, devolution, federation. What do these things mean? The names that say be used do not siguity. The thought behind them is the importans matter. It contain the germ of a spitlement. · Replying for his party on the following day, Lord Curzon said of this Frisht question, "I agree that it must be solved."
IV..
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So far as party interest goes I will not suppose that it would be allowed to prevail against the public interest, but if it is to be H BANKING CORPORATION. campated, there is not much profit to the Conservatives in protracting this long, pernicious controversy. Their prospects of defeating the Bill by Parliamentary method: are not very bright. They ask for a dilution. A dissolution would not softer the temper of either side, but could only decido afresh which side should be coerced, as things now are.. Whether or not it by bo obtained as part of a bargain settling the Irish question by common consent is more than I know. The practical point is Next, see what is the Ministerial, attitude.
the debate in the House of Lords of July that this Bill is most likely to be placed upon 14th last. Lord Crewe observed that pleas the Statute-binok next June in its present G. Friesland, Esq. had been put forward for a Conference to shape uutess some agreemont be reuched, and C. S. Gubbay, Esq. It is not loyal dealing with facts as they with this question of Home Rule, hut scusible people would regulate their actionP. H. Holyoak, Esq. are to guago the opinion of a population that no risponse had come from any one with that probability in view. It must be R. Lanrens, Esq. numbering above four million by the report entitled to speak for the Opposition, und better to have a measure that you can agree F. Lich, E of a few individuals, instead of by what the that so long as the Irish minority, supported with rather than one which you regard as elators themselves repeatedly tell though the ballet-box. Bat even if it were by the Conservative Party here, repeat that rous, and it must be worth while to
it will recoil from no action which prevents ascertain whether such agreement is attain-1 tre that thors has been a cooling down of Nationalist
the the institution of any kind of Irish Legisla-aste. When a Conservative leader pledges aspirations -under
ture and Executive, there is no common the whole of his party to support uncon- inluence of growing prosperity, could any- thing be more certain to rekindle them than ground upon which the parties can enafer.stitutional resistance of the law unless the a rejection of solf-government after a strife In the same speech, indeed in the B is first submitted to the judgment of the conducted in the temper which has charne paragraph of it, Lord Crowe used this country, there may be little open protest, LONDON teized proceedings in the North of Ireland age: Certainly we do not pretend but there must be a vast deal of inward for a moment that this is the only Home misgiving among his followers, and in fact during the last twelvemonth? So far as we
For lawlessness is opposed to all Rude Bill, I would even say the only kind there is. call niessure the prospect of disorder in either event; more may be apprehended from of Home Rule Bill, which Parliament might their tre litios, and a one atands to lasına to refusal than from the concession. The be asked to consider." There is nothing in more than they in every way by its per cent, per annum, on the Daily Balan Banking business transacted. feest riots known in Belfast during our thi language redolent of the old ery, "The encouragement. Toward the end of August, time occurred in 1980, immediately after Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the arcording to newspaper reports, a Labour Mr. Gladstone's Bull had been destroyed at Up to the last it must be supposed louder recommended strikers to arm them "Ile had learned from his betters. a general election. Exultation breeds more that Ministers, who assuredly have not taken suivi. vilencs than does disappointment in that leave of their senses, would be willing to Others may do the came,
Assuredly there wouldronsider proposals for accommodation. That be as much or moto rioting. There would
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