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bave no desire to repeat it upon any other nation, nor will we permit, without resistance. such intrusion upon ourselves. We desire to live upon our continent and to let live upon other continents."
THE HONGKONG WEEKLY PRESS AND
pool in England its shadow has fallen. Japan herself has begun to deport Chinese coolies. To a disinterested onlooker, the general situation is reminiscent of the two donkeys, each with its head over the fence, reaching for its neighbour's grass. It has to be admitted that the white mu started the game. If he hadn't, there would have been no American nation to-day. So it is no use taking of justice and righteousness, unless we are preparel to retrace our step. Merely to copy the San Francisco Chronicle, | and to admit that our intrusions were acts of barbarism, is not enough. If we persist in foreing our friendly intercourse upon people of different skin. prating of good will the while, we must learn to see their pigmentation without openly shuddering, and even to rub elbows with them without trying to kick them. There is another way. It is unlikely that every American and Englishmau will be withdrawn from China and Japan, which would be necessary to bring expulsion and exclusion into line with justice and righteousness. Perbaps, į .if it is found that San Francisco and
Vancouver must have their way, the Powers | will try the plan that the Americans have adopted for the Red Indians; to take such portions of China and Japan as we need, and herd and confine the natives into reserva- tions" in the unclaimed balance. But as that might stagger humanity, the chance is that after all San Francisco and Vancouver will have to put their demands in their pockets, and take their chance with the rest of the world, under the existing arrange- ments. The white man having made his he must lie upon it. His catchword of conquest having been universal brotherhood. he seems bound to face his fraterual duties without so much grimacing.
We do not know what attitude this parti- cular newspaper takes towards the American occupation of the Philippines, but it is not likely that it would applaud precisely the same claim if made by a Filipino journal, i It talks of the right of each race to regard its own territory as a citizen regards his home-as a sacred place into which those only may be admitted who have the capacity of guestship, the personality which makes it possible to live with the host nation on terms of justice and righteousness. Justice and righteousness-in Sau Francisco! The more the San Franciscans appeal to reason in this matter, the worse their case appears. There is only one honest stand they can make, and if they made it and stuck to it, we could sympathise with them. We do not want Asiatics, and rightly or wrongly, we refuse to take them." We could under- stand that, and we could even excuse But this talk of justice and righteousness is colossal itupudence. Even with the frank confession of guilt regarding PERRY'S achievement, and the tardy apology for it. the San Franciscoj ournal cannot get within touch of honesty. It is not objecting to "such intrusion upon ourselves." but to the peaceful entry of invited guests. The invitation is contained in the reciprocal treaty between Japan and America, an arrangement sought, not by the Japanese, hut by the Americans themselves. Japan has faithiully kept her part of the bargain, and the American government finds itself unable to keep its part, owing to the incited clamour of a mob of sandbaggers in that notorious city of unrighteousness, San Francisco. We can enjoy the exchange of courtesies, goes on this unctuous humbug, with Japan's educated and distinguished meu, we can cordially join them in scientific investigations and pursuits, we can trade with them in a friendly spirit but we cannot mingle peacefully with them as members of same body politic. Why? This representative of thought in the body politic a body whose head has just been found to be so corrupt as to need interment-in jail, says the differences in ideals and habits of thought are absolutely irreconcilable. So it insiste, to save its uniquely just and righteous ideals and habits of thought from being snowed under, that "this continent, being the home of a white race, shall be preserved as such, and we demand the exclusion of Asiatics because we insist that they shall not break up our home." One would think from that pathetic tag that it had been the Japanese who had been doing the rioting and house-breaking, inst.ad of the highly civilized clientele of the Saw Francisco Chronicle. In words distinctly and deliberately provocative of further lawlessness, it hints at necessary and inevitable fighting, "which no laws cau preveut." It may he noted that it speaks for the whole contineut, a claim that the best Americans repudiate. During the trouble, it has shifted from one ground to another, and probably will soon be driven to make the only stand we have indicated as admissible. When it gets there, and it is very near it now, we will be prepared to listen to it with more patience.
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intention of the law is to give it vent, to protect political offenders, and that Mr. HAZELAND's definition of what constitutes political offence is not broad enough for the spirit and intention of the law, though it may bring it within the letter as expediency has been in the habit of defining it. Surely it does not need much demonstration that there are numerous genuine political offences possible besides those which happen when there are two or more parties in the state cach seeking to impose the government of their [si] own choice on the other." It us take a readily conceivable instauce in Russia. Some writer, say TOLSTOY, incurs the resentment of the Russian Police Bureau by decrying the corruption of the govern- ment. He is not advocating its substitution by another, but its reform. In the course of his denunciation, he uses words which con- stitute, say, lese majesté, some breach of some Russian law which renders him liable to Siberia. He escapes to London, and his extradition is applied for. Would London give him up, because there did not happeu to be "two or more parties in the state cach seeking to impose the government of its choice on the other or others"? Or would it say that as a bono-fide political offender he was entitled to the protection of the stipulatory clause Take the story of England's Runnymede, and by a violent effort of imagination, couceive of a repetition of a like incident in China. Put the EMPRESS DOWAGER in the shoes of King Joux, with the leading representatives of her people compelling her to sign a Chinese Magua Charta. Imagine then, further, that by some coup d'état, her shrewd Majesty were suddenly to turn the tables on the Chinese Barons, necessitating their hasty flight to Hongkong. They had not cadea- voured to depose her and set up a new government; but by a little forceful inti- imidation had tried to induce the existing government to do the right thing as they Daily Press, September 14th.)
saw it. There were not "two or more The considered judgment of Mr. F. A. parties in the state"-then were they not HAZELAND, Magistrate, in the extradition political offenders? We fancy that in such case arising out of the alleged Swatowa case, even Mr. HAZELAND would throw "rebellion", teems with interesting consid· crations. Although there are of possible appeals, we presume that until formal notice is given the case is no longer sub judice, and that we may venture to ¡ comment upon it. The extradition of persons, under our treaty with China, may be a matter of expediency as much as a matter of justice, if we consider our own political interests. It could be very embarrassing for the British administration of a Colony so closely and intimately coonected with China, were its hospitality to be abused. Between that consideration and our humane reluctance to hand men over to the cruelty of a judicial system for which we cutertain no shred of respect, we find our dilemma, and so it is no wonder that there should be considerable variety of opinion as to the merits of this and similar cases, The Magistrate referred to may have had such issues in his mind, but it is quite One other point occurs to us with which clear that in coming to his decision he
we have omitted to deal. His Worship rigorously banished them. Not expediency, I approvingly quotes, ris a cis the suggestion not humane sentiment, but a severely that application for rendition was based judicial interpretation of the law as it upon a charge not bona fide, Lord RUSSELL, appears to him, is the basis of his decision. | Chief Justice, who in rẻ ARTon said: His interpretation will come under the it has been pointed out by myself and criticism of others according as it squares learned brothers during the argument that this wich their notions of expediency or
is in itself a very grave and very serious state- After all, this shifting of populations is humanity. Without passing any opinion ou
ment to put forward and one which ought not getting to be an embarrassing problem, and the merits or demerits of the peculiarly grounds; it conveys a reflection of the gravest to be put forward except upon very strong even rough and ready solutions threaten to British stipulations in our extradition become welcome before long. Australia has treaties, embodying our tenderness for poli- actions of the responsible government but also possib a kind not only upon the motive and been tackling it for a long time; British tical offenders the world over, we may at once impliedly upon the judicial authorities of a Columbia is busy with it now; South Africa proceed to express our opinion that, whether neighbouring and friendly power. Is it open has bad a taste of it; and even over Liver.that tenderness be wise or otherwise, the to us at all to consider such a suggestion? "In
the
POLITICA OFFENDERS AND EXTRADI. ION.
rumours
CAVE J. aside and refuse cxtradition. Is the Swatow case really so very different? We do not think so. Here were these sturdy Swatow prototypes of the Runny- mede Barons, bringing forceful suasion to bear upon the local representatives of her Peking Majesty to make them give them their rights. Their offences, or crimes if you like, were "incidental to and formed a part of political disturbances," of which, we submit, there was sufficient evidence. That the man immediately concerned was a common, thieving, murdering rascal we find it difficult to believe. Who would find the money for the defence of such au one? Oa the whole, however inexpedient it would scem to protect such people, we are incline to think that he was entitled to the sanctuary offered his class by the spirit and intention of our law as it relates tɔ extradition.
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