February 13, 1904.]
getting exemption, for thora are very few blocks of buildings that have a yard and a back lane. Besides, the provisions of the expression "exter- nal air"
are not consistent with the require- ments of modern sanitation. The result of the Insanitary Properties Commission was the enactment of Ordinance 36 of 1899. Owers of property were than induced to provide a back lane in lieu of a backyard; and Section 8, Sub-section A, of that Ordinance empowered the making of a back lane 6 feet wide in the place of a yard 8 feet wide, in order to encourage land-owners
to provide a back lane alone for & block of buildings. Ia 1958 when the Government thought that the Insavitary Properties Ordinance Was not drastic enough the Public Health Ordinanca 13 of 1901 was enacted. The regulations about open spaces were copied verbatim from the In- sanitary Properties Ordinance, By the passing of the existing Ordinances Nos. 1 of 1903 and 23 of 1903, back lanos which had been provided under such alluring circumstances as above described are now found to be practically useless; and. even when both back-yard and buck lane have been provided, as iustanced in this case, the open space in the rear is now found to be insufficient to meet new regulations. It cau thus be imagined how owners of property have been dealt with during the past three years. I consider & great hardship and injustion have been done to investors of capital in landed property, which has the effect of driving a great deal of capital out of this Colony. All these changes in law have been brought about by Dr. Clark, our M.O.H.. and the plan for this block of buildings, only com- pleted a few months ago, must have been vised by him. The owner of this property, through no fault of his, will suffer a great injury if his application is refused, and the wall referred to by the Assistant M.O H. has bee built in full compliance with the law that has basa repealed by the existing Ordinance."
After an examination of the plans had been made, it was agreed on' the motion of the PRESIDENT to refer the matter to the D. P. W. for report.
PUBLIC WATER SUPPLIES.
Mr. Frank Browne, Government Analyst, reported on his analyses for the mouth of January that he had found the water to be of excellent quality.
RAT RETURN.
During 1903 there were 88,862 rats killed in the Colony; of these 3176 were infected with plague. For the fortnight euded on 8th inst. 662 were destroyed; of which 21 were infected. The PRESIDENT said the percentag of infected rats had gone up nearly double within the last two weeks.
CHINA NEW YEAR AND THE MARKET.
The PRESIDENT said that it was customary at the China Near Year to keep the markets open all night. He moved that they be allowed to remain open on the nights of Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday next week- This was
the recommendation of the C-V.S.
It was agreed to grant this permission. There Was no other important public
business.
FISCAL DEBATE IN
HONGKONG.
LECTURE AT THE CITY HALL.
Under the auspices of the Odd Volumes Society, Mr. Ernest D. Haskell delivered a lecture in the City Hall on the 8th inst, on " Fis- cal Policy and Imperial Federation." Hon. H. E. Pollock, K.C., presided over a large
attendance.
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CHINA OVERLAND TRADE REPORT.
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the ultimate destiny of the Empire. We hid been content to slumber ou in faucied security, and it had been left to Mr. Chamberlain to wake up the nation to the grave Imperial danger which confronted it in the pursuit of a policy which was no longer compatible with the changed conditions under which we liva. | He did not for a moment advocate Protection against Free Trade. He did not say that Protection was better than Free Trade, that Protection brought with it prosperity and progress, and Free Trade ruiu and deesy. As an uconomical principle, as au economical do strine, he thought Free Trade was to b. preferred, but what he did say was that we must suit our policy to the times. If the times hai chang | and we found that our methods were no longer suitable, that in fact our policy was leading us into decay, then the time had come to change that policy. We were sacrificing a cause to a principle. In our rigid adherence to 蹑 shibboleth we were blinding ourselves to the ultimate issues. In the days when the anti- Cora Laws agitation was at its height, in the days when Cobden so effectively brought about the repeal of the Corn Laws, and instituted the policy which we were now pursuing and have pursued ever since, the condition of the world was vastly different, the circumstances by which We were surrounded
were vastly diffrent. Then we were the workshop of the world. For eiga countries then were got manufacturing countrie, or if they were their manufactures
But in their infancy.
behind the high triff walls which they rised they gradually built up their industry, their manufatures improved and increased, until now heit industries not only had a firm hold of their owu markets and were keeping us out, but were invading ours as well. Free Trade is all very well, but it must b. "Free" on bil silos. Could wa oil the present sr. | rangement by which Great Britain admits the exports of all countries free, while her own to foreign countries were taxed to such an extent as to become prohibitive, Free Trade? Was that Free Trade? Assuredly not. Under conditions such as these, then, such a policy was nothing short of suicidal, and us doubted very much whether Cobden, had he been alive to-day, would advocate the continuance of the present policy, in face of the changed conditions which surrounded us, because when he urged the nation to this step, when the rulers of the nation com. mitted them to a Free Trade policy, they did so in the confident belief that foreign countries would- very soon follow our policy; in fact they anticip. ated that our example would result in universal Free Trade; but unfortunately their anticipa tions were not justified. If Free Trade were universal-if other nations followed our example-it would be quite a different matter, but we knew it was not. There were three aspects, he thought, from which we might view the fiscal proposals of Mr. Chamberlain, firstly, the power it would give us to retaliate against foreign countries imposing hostile tariffs against us; secondly, the maintenance and expansion of Imperial trade, and 80 making the Empire self-supporting; and thirdly, as a basis of Imperial Federation. It was of this last aspect that he wisho particularly to speak and to explain why he thought that such a change in our fiscal policy was not only desirable but absolutely essential for the union of the Empire and its existence. We prided ourselves ou an united Empire, an Empire united by the bouds of kinship and loyalty and common sympathies, but did we ever realise how slender was the bood which united the Empire, slender bcause it was a sentimental, not a material bond, and however valuable it might be we must remember that it was liable to be snapped asunder any moment. He did not suggest that these ties were weak ones. On the contrary, they were of the strongest character, and no better illustration of that fact could be needed thau the action of the Colonies in the late South Afrion War. That war demonstrated to the world the practical value, the real strength and the might of the Empire. Those great Colonies, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the South African Colonies, sent forth their noblest and their best to uphold together with those from the mother country the glory and dignity of the Empire and to shed their blood for & cause which did not
The CHAIRMAN in introducing the lecturer said it was clear from the numbers present that the importance of the subject of our fiscal policy to the commerce of Great Britain was fully re- oognised. He had much pleasure in introduo- ing Mr. Haskell to the audience. (Applause.)
Mr. HASKELL said that the subject of his lecture was one which had been very much in the public mind of late, not only of Great Britain but of the Colonies and of the whole Empire. He referred to the great question of fiscal policy, the burning question of the hour. It was a question that affected the Empire very vitally. It was of vital importance because on to that question depended the fate,
the an
answer
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directly concern them, but which the Empire had made its own. That was a glorious ploture - those Colonies spontaneously and of their own accord rallying around the standard at a moment of danger and trouble; and what greater demonstration could we need but those? Yet it behoved us to look far ahead into the future, and there might come a time-he did not think it was likely. but it was within the bounds of possibility-of storm and stress, of anxiety and uncertainty, when the Colonies might feel that the bonds were irksome, or that a brighter prospect awaited them by an independent existence, or some stronger fascination might impel them to separation from the mother country or alliance with another State. Then it would be found that these bonds of sentiment would avail bat little. We had in the possession of a world-wide Empire vast possibilities, and we must atilise thom to their utmost. Now was the favourable time when we could do 80. We must strike when the iron was hot; the opportunity might never occur again. Mr. Chamberlain's words in the first speech in which he rofarred to the fiscal question were:-"The Empire is in its infancy. Now is the time when we 010 mould that Empira, when we and those who live with us can mould it future destinies." If we want an uaited Empire, if we want Imperial Federation, we must have a system of preferential tariffs between Great Britain and the Colonies-a fiscal aion batween the different parts of the Empire. Imperial Federation cannot be complete unless based on fiscal union. That is the rock, the founda- tion on which must be laid the mighty superstructure of a vast consolidated Empire, self-supporting aud, all-sufficient. We might have an Imperial Council, a common legisla tire for the Empire, we might have a com moa syste a of Imparial defence, wi might have & common Imperial exchequer; but unless and until We had a commercial union the federation of the Empire would not
be complets-could not be complete without common commercial interest. Now let ше review briefly the progress of British trado the last 3) years. Ia 1872 the trade of Great Britain, her exports, amounted to £257,000,000; in 1902 it wis £283,000,000, 'That is an increase of 26 millions in 30 years. that is equal to about 10 per coat. You will perhaps say then. Why our trade has not declined. Yes, ia point of figures it his not; but you must consider that while our trade has increased 10 per cent, during the same period the trade of the United States increased from 89 to 232 millions or 217 per cent, and the other pr›- tooted countries too showing a large inoreas 3, our trade increased only 10 per cent, in spite of the
fact that the exports from Great
Britain to British possessions alone increased from 61 to 109 millious during that period, or 79 per cent. Our foreign trade had decline from 195 tɔ 174,000,000. But I will not trouble you any more with figures; figures are wearisome things.
Our Imperial trade has increased abundantly, and is capabl of vast expansion, but it must be stimulated, fostered. A system of preferential tariffs be tween Great Britain and the Colonies would stimulate and extead Imperial trade, and would make the Empire solf-supporting. It would increase the industries of the Colonies, as the Colonies were cap ble of supplying all the wants of Great Britain; and th mother coun try would depend more and more on the Colonie + for supplies, iustead of on foreigu sonross, and the Colonies would in turn take more and more of British goods and manufactures. They were told that though Great Britain might be willing to accord preferential advantages to the Colonies, the Colonies would not b› ready to accord cor responding benefits to the mother country. Now he did not know whether that was true, bat ha did know that the notion of the Colonios provel quite otherwise, and that if one real the speeches of great statesmen in these Colonias, men of responsible positious, in every one «f those Cologies he thought they would find th same sentiments, the same readiness to c operate, the same readiness to accord benedits to the mother country to the atmost of the power, for the maintenance and expansion of our Imperial trade. Canada already granted a substantial preference to the mother country of 33 per cent., South Africa 25 per cent, New