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(Daily Press, 14th January.)
THE HONGKONG WEEKLY PRESS AND
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|January 21, 1899. nation of regions hitherto barbarous or semi- civilised we could be satisfied that they would adopt the policy of the “open door," we should obtain all that our trade requires; and we might discontent, but with complete and positive regard such appropriation not only without approval.
Considerations such as these are peculiarly appropriate at the present moment. We are invited by the greatest military potentate in the world to join in an endeavour to stop the present ruinous increase of military expendi- cold water on such an invitation is little to be ture. The cynicism of those who would throw envied; but it cannot be denied that the obstacles to any such course as the Russian Emperor proposes are most formidable, and that they will continue to be so, so long as causes : of quarrel exist. May not some of the most serious of these causes be removed by such a policy as is suggested above? Take the three most important foreign questions which are now agitating this country-the question of China, of East Africa, and the new extensión of the United States.
We are quarrelling in China about spheres of influence, about railway and steamship oon- cessions, as well as about the open door." remained the same or nearly the same, in But it is the "open door" which is our chief spite of changes of all kinds; in spite of interest. Is it not possible to say to France, to the enormous increase of the British em nothing to object to your settlements or spheres Germany, and, above all, to Russia, “We have boundaries; in spite of changes in the olude our ships and our goods; we shall be glad pire; in spite of wars and alterations of of influence in China, provided they do not ex. internal policies of the nations; in spite of that you should make harbours and railways ip the partial adoption, and in spite of the China, if only you will allow us to use them on subsequent relinquishment by other nations, fair and equal terms; we shall even be obliged of the principles of Free Trade. In short, to you, Russia, if you will introduce order, and justice where the effete Chinese Government says Lord FARRER, the figures" prove
conclusively that extension of empire is vided only you allow your new subjects to buy now encourages tyranny and corruption, pro- not necessary for the maintenance of the and sell with us; and on these terms we will foreign trade of the United Kingdom, and heartily join you in reducing the number of "that there is some fundamental fallacy in warships we now keep on the Chinese coast."
the doctrine, so dear to Jingoes and pro- tectionists, that the trade follows the
There are two views which can be taken of concluding portions of the article, and times, which is still in favour with many foreign flag." We give below extracts from the the interests and effects of trade. The one is that upon which Great Britain acted in former
paragraph dealing with the China ques-amongst ourselves the view, namely, that it is would direct special attention to the nations and with a small but noisy party tion:-
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be maintained." Our contemporary of In reply to the question, What do these course takes a French view of commercial figures prove? Lord FARRER says he does rivalry; and the view is not only French not for a moment suggest that the natives but that of practically every country but of foreign countries with wants and habits Great Britain. From the British point of different from those of Englishmen will buy view international trade ought to be a pro-and use as large a quantity of the things moter of peace, good will, and mutual produced in England as people of British prosperity, as in tact it is and must be, but origin and habits would buy and use. He foreign Governments do not recoguise that, does not suggest that the trade of the and while they continue pledged to a selfish United Kingdom would not have been policy of protection Great Britain with its much larger if the Union Jack had waved free trade principles can have little to hope over all the countries now dominated by from alliances, unless it be with the United the tricolour or by the double-headed eagle. States, in whore case community of racial Still less does he suggest that the protective feeling may count for more than divergence and prohibitory tariffs of foreign nations, in fiscal policy.
not to mention those of our own colonies, have not made the trade of the United IMPERIAL EXPANSION AND THE Kingdom less than it would otherwise have
GROWTH OF IRADE.
been. What the figures do prove, he says, is that the trade of the United Kingdom In his speech at the Navy League banquet with foreign nations is three times as great Lord CHARLes BeresforD said that we
as the tra le of the United Kingdom with could not go on increasing the empire as we
countries under the British flag; that this had been doing and that we did not want proportion has been substantially main- to see any more of the chart marked red-tained for the last half-century; that it has This is a view to which Britishers abroad have some difficulty in reconciling them, selves; they may recognise in a general way that the empire has grown to unwieldy proportions, rendering its adequate defence a matter of difficulty, but there is always a little bit of territory somewhere, in which they are more or less directly interested, that they think might without danger and with much advantage be added to Her Majesty's already wide-spreading dominions. There is, furthermore, the pride of race which makes for improving (as it is thought) the heritage to be left to our successors by constantly adding to it. In the case of waste lands that are adapted to European settlement a policy of annexation may be supported, for there our interest lies not only in the trade we may develop with the new possession but also in pro- viding homes for our overflowing population. But with regard to countries already popu- maxim, "Trade follows the flag." means that The final result of our inquiry is, that if the lated by advanced native races, and where
our trade depends on our dominion, it is refuted our interests do not go beyond mere buying by the events of the last half-century. "Trade," and selling, there is much to be said in as has been well said, "does not follow the flag; favour of the opinion expounded by Lord it follows the price-list." The success of our CHARLES BERESFORD, Those who are in- trade depends, not on the nationality of our clined to differ from his lordship and to purchasers, but on the efficiency and economy hold with Mr. CHAMBERLAIN that “
of our industrial production. What should be done to promote these qualities is a question
The other view is that trade is, like merey, liable to be excluded from any country which lies beyond the scope of this article; but a blessing to him that gives and to him that so far as hostile tariffs can possibly exclude we may be satisfied that to burden our people takes, to him that bays as well as to him that us, where the British flag does not float,' with the expense of seizing and governing un-sells; that the less it is hampered with retrio- and that therefore a policy of conquest and remunerative possessions, and with the cost of tions the more it flourishes; and that a trade annexation is dictated by the circumstances, will find a wholesome tonic in an article by Lord FARRER in the December number of the Contemporary Review. The title of the article is Does trade follow the flag?" and the conclusion arrived at is that "trade "does not follow the flag; it follows the price list." The figures given, which are taken from the Board of Trade returns, are remarkable. In 1854, the first year for which reliable figures are available, the
It follows from the above facts that it is not exports of British goods to foreign coun-
necessary, to extend our Empire in order to tries was £63,000,000, and in 1895
maintain our trade, and that extension of Em- £156,000,000, while to British possessions pire is not necessarily followed by increase of the amount had risen from £34,000,000 | trade. Each separate extension must be judged to £70,000,000. Thus in 1854 the, ex-
on its own merits. ports to foreign countries represented 64.9 of the total exports and in 1895 69 per cent., while the exports to British possessions, which in 1854 represented 35.1 per cent. of the total, in 1895 only re presented 31 per cent. And this in spite of the enormous extension of the British empire that has occurred during that period. Tables are given referring to most of the leading countries and colonies, which bear out the results of the general table from which the figures above given are quoted
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gigantic armamente crested to defend such possessions from all possible rivals, will not tend to economical production. Still less will it tend to economy if, in pursuit of new markets, France, or Russia, or Germany. Of such a we are led into war with such countries as
war no one can tell the issue, but we may be very sure that, even if we were successful in the war, there are very few markets which would repay us for the cost. There would be no sufficient "value received." Le jeu ne vaudrait pas la chandelle.
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the interest of each nation to act in the spirit of itself, and to restrict the trade of other nations. monopoly, to keep the trade of the world to
This is the policy which in former times restricted our own trade; which made our own colonies revolt; which has been the cause of many bloody wars, and which, if some of the atterances I have quoted at the beginning of this article become the opinion of our people, may well lead us into bloody wars again,ja
which benefits other nations must be a benefit.
to ourselves. This is the view upon which our country has acted for the last half-century, with great benefit to the world but still preached by Cobden-not only or chiefly, on greater benefit to ourselves. It is the gospel
account of its material advantages, but because it carries into the practical life of the world the Christian message: "Peace and goodwill amongst men." There never was a time when it was more important that this gospel should -be zealously preached.
The British barque Fifeshire (1,818 tons), which arrived at Yokohama on the 5th January, from Antwerp. says the Japan Mail, had extremely long and tempestuous voyage.
No extension will be the way ont via the Cape she experienced O valuable to us unless we get "value received of our recent extensions is extremely doubtful. for our outlay, a point which in the case of some
It follows, farther, that jealousy of the ex- tension of other civilised nations into the waste places of the world is altogether out of place; and that, even supposing those nations to main- tain an exclusive and Protectionist policy, our trade will probably gain more by the better policing and government of those places than it will lose by the commercial rivalry of our system of Protection. But if, on the other neighbours, even when supported by an exclusive hand, upon any new appropriation by a civilised
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ful weather, and was so damaged that she had consisting of cast iron pipes, had to be taken to put into Capetown, where her cargo, chiefly
made. In the China Sea and off the Islands ont and restowed, and extensive repairs were she had also to meet extremely rough weather, losing her fore top-mast and fore top-gallant- mast, and sustaining a considerable amount of damage in other respects. She started from Antwerp on May 14th, 1898, so that she was very nearly eight months on the voyage. have escaped the new tariff duties, and saved for her last unfortunate experience she would good many thousand dollars.
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