1
NACET" BLADES
Buy Nacet and avoid the risk of gambling on cheap blades.
Nacet
Blades are established favourites, because of their high quality and low price, and
you
of many
assure
clean,
smooth shaves from
every blade, They At
three-peg razors.'
"NACET
REOD. TRADE MARK
MADE IN ENGLAND
JADE KEN, ^»!, & *
¡¡O BLADES
LOLD HETHERS
H2
Insist on ROBINSON'S
LEMON BARLEY WATER
EAT AT-
ROBITATION'S
LEMON ARLEY ATER
GHLY ENTRATED
INSON E CO.LTD HE LONDON
Jimmy's Kitchen
INEXPENSIVE SATISFYING
m
THE CHINA MAIL, NOVEMBER 27, 1939
PITFALLS IN AMPLIFYING WAR AIMS
RETICENCE war-time is one of the
major virtues. It may, of course, be carried to excess, but saying too. little vare- ly produces such mischief ከዚ saying too much,
to
The Governnient are being pressed state their War Aims more fully. The sounder view, I believe, is that for the time they have sald enough. Their first and immediate aim is to destroy Hitlerism. Their ultimate and larger aim was describ- ed by Mr. Chamberlain on Sept. 20 in the following terms:
"Our general purpose in this struggle is to redeem the hations of Europe from the perpetual and recurring fear of Ger- man aggression and to preserve their independence and berties."
some or
That is generally held to involve reconstruction-which, whether large small, will be useless if not practical-of the International polity of Europe. It is this larger aim which attracts the professional Idealists, if I may so call them without of fence, who are already eagerly anticipating the grand debates of a Peace Conference after the war.
They want to know the plan of salvation for Europe which is to settle disputes be
by tween nations by negotiation and not force, and they ask: "What sort of a Peace will you make? How will you treat con- quered Germany this time? What bid will you make to secure her co-operation for the common good?"
THE TWO GOVERNMENTS TO KEEP IN STEP
Every idealist has his own nostrum, his specific which cannot fail. There is surely a cure, they all say, if one could only find it, and as the old specifics have been tried and failed we should turn to something no- vel and even audacious.
This is a rather dangerous frame of mind. Human nature does not, 'progress per sal- humi. It often struggles forward and then slips back, not the whole way, but for en- ough to leave the net gain small.
We seemed to make a triumphant advance In 1919 when we instituted the League and the Covenant. Alas, we presumed too much. A noble temple was erected, but the wor- shippers could not live up to their profes- slons. That is no reason for demolishing the temple, but there is an overwhelming case for repairs. On what lines? Again, It is too soon for the Government to say.
The Prime Minister has laid particular stress on the entire agreement between the British and French Governments, and he recently observed that later statements of war alms would be made in the same spirit of agreement.
There was a cautionary note in that de- claration. What he implied was that the two Governments must keep step together in respect of war alms as in respect of the conduct of the war.
IS THERE A CASE FOR FEDERATED STATES?
Let us not forget the unhappy disagree- ments between the British and French Gov- ernments at Versailles and after, which for Entente a considerable time turned the into a mockery. We can best avoid any repetition of those painful episodes by keep. ing our feet firmly planted on the earth.
Human nature will not be profoundly changed after the war, and Nationalism is firmly planted in human nature. Throw it out with a pitchfork, but back it will come. Let us strictly observe, therefore, the limits of the practical.
no
The favourite nostrum of the moment seems to be a Federal solution for Europe, which is to provide a means of escape from perfervid Nationalism. Yet there is of Federalism in modern tradition Europe and the early experiments crashed badly. The demand for it does not spring from the soil. If the Swiss example is quoted in refutation, what analogy is there, between two Swiss Cantons and, say, France and Germany or Great Britain and Russia?" Like must be compared with like.
If the similar project of Imperial Federa- tion for the British Empire, admirable as it was in theory, and advocated by states- men like Lord Rosebery and Lord Milner, had perforce to be dropped because Domin- lon statesmen would not look at it, what chance is there of the Great Powers of Europe to mention only these-submitting to taxation, for whatever purpose imposed, from a Federal centre?
NEUTRALS DO NOT NEED FURTHER ASSURANCE
Who can conceive a Federal body drawn from the Democracies, the Axis Powers- if the "eternal axis" still survives-and the new Axis which runs from Berlin to Mos- cow through Warsaw?
two years of busy preparation and to the World Economle Conference which founder- ed helplessly after a few opening speeches? Federal constitutions have never worked smoothly unless the constituent states were more or less of the same mind and pur- the pose. No one can say to-day what grouping of the European states will be at the end of the war. But just as little can to foresec a reasonable anyone pretend
France of Great likelihood
Britain and working amicably with Russia at a com- mon council table for the common good of Europe. There is no need to specify other Powers.
At this moment Russia is engaged in re- ducing the independence of the Baltic Re- public to a simulacrum. She is enveloping them as a spider envelops, flies in its web. She la outraging the very principles which And yet some the new order is to maintain.
conference people would have us go into here and now with Germany and Russia, as fellow-workers in the cause of peace and humanity. This is not keeping out feet on solid earth.
We are told by some others that a fuller statement of British war aims is required to "impress" the neutral states. In what direction? European neutrals already know the that they have nothing to fear from Deinocracies and everything to fear from at Germany. They have seen Hitlerism work for six years. What they see is suf- ficiently "Impressive" without definition of British war alms which imperious circum- stances might later require the French and to British Governments in some respects modify.
DANGER IN PROMISING TOO MUCH TOO EARLY In the last war, it will be remembered, the British Government entered into sun- dry secret treaties which later led to ca lamitous disputes. Italy exacted certain -specific promises from the Allies before she finally determined to break with her part- ners of the Triple Alliance, and these sub- sequently could not be reconciled with the principle of "self-determination." Again, we Arabs entered into engagements with the not wholly compatible with other promises given at other times.
Lord Balfour's promise of "a spiritual home" to the Jews was made in all sin- cerity by one of the most honourable of Bri- tish statesmen, but without full realisation of the impossibility of satisfying two acute- ly contrasted and rival nationalisms.
Russie was promised Constantinople as a prize of victory, and Asia Minor was par- celled out on a blue print to satisfy the ter- ritorial ambitions of Greeks, Italians, and other Powers. These examples should serve as salutary warnings now.
Observe, too, the danger of including such phrases as "self-determination" and "col- lective security" among, British 'war aims from which no departure can ever in any circumstances be permitted. They are not always practicable. Europe is an old che will still 'bé enclaves quer board. There five centuries hence.
more
Britain clung tenaciously to collective se curity, a doctrine which required from those who pledged it their support than they found themselves able to give. No nation was ready to go to war on be. half of the victim of a strong aggressor unless it felt its own interests directly men- aced.
DISCOVERING THE MIND OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Let us organise victory before we organ- ise peace, and he careful not to sow the seeds of future dissensions by raising high- ly controversial questions which can only weaken, the common effort.
The nations of Europe were morally not ready for the New Order that was envis- aged in the League and the Covenant. That had far more to do with their breakdown than any flaws of organisation or even any injustices in the Treaty itself. Let us not, therefore, be in too great a hurry to pro- 'claim what we mean to do when victory is won, until we know more precisely what are the limits of the practical.
We must discover more fully than we can possibly do to-day the mind of the German people, and the extent of their readiness to return to the decencies of both national and international life. That will doubtless be revealed more fully as the war proceeds.
Meanwhile, let us not forget three out of many essentials of a just peace. One is the the exaction. of adequate retribution for savagery shown in the destruction of Po- land; the second is to avoid the incredible blunders in respect of Reparations made in the Treaty of Versailles; the third is to insist on what M. Daladier recently des. cribed as "a definite guarantee of secur
closely now.
Have the idealists forgotten what happen-ity." He was too wise to define it
ed to the Disarmament Conference
after
more
By George McManus
Bringing Up Father
THIS IS PUEBLO-
I REMEMBER MY BROTHER STOPPED AT THIS HOTEL-
EE THAT WE SEF ROOMS ALL FACING NORTH-
HUH- HERE WE ARE GOIN' DOWN SOUTH TO SEE THE COUNTRY- AND YOLJ WANT
TO LOOK BACK NORTH-
I'D LIKE THREE ROOMS WITH BATH-1 AM MR
JIGGS- DID YOU GET MY TELEGRAMP
YES-WE'RE CERTAI GLAD
SEE YO
YES-YOUR SON WAS HERE FOR AT LEAST TEN WEEKS
YES-KNOW- HE PAID QUITE VISIT HERE-
YOU REMEMBER HIM-EHT
DO WE REMEMBER HIM? YOU'RE RIGHT- HE PAID QUITE A VISIT= BUT, HE DID NOT PAY US-I'VE OT HIS BILL RIGHT HERETM