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THE CHINA MAIL, NOVEMBER 16, 1938: '
his telegrams.) But it does mean that Americans take B much hamere realistic view of the post-Munich position and of the future than many English peo- ple do. One of those test polls that are so popular was begun within twenty-four-hours of the Munich conference. It showed a three to two vote that England and France did "the best thing in giving in to Germany instead of going to war." It showed a three to one vote that Germany was unjustified in demanding the annexation of the Sudeten areas. But on whether this settlement will result in peace for a number of years or in a greater pos sibility of war 58 per cent. thought it would not avert war. That was in the first flush of. emotion after the peace. A vote to-day, after the completion of the Munich line, after Hitler's Saarbrucken speech, and- after the British calls for rearmament, would be even more pessimistic. It would be a good thing if our Moreover, it has to be remember- Conservative politicians could be ed that in this crisis the Afteri- . put through a course of reading can people has been better serv- in what the American press hased by the wireless and by the been saying about the world sit-popular press than our own: the uation created by the Munich news, especially the wireless Agreement. It would be good news was more copious and less for their souls although a little hampered by diplomatic respon- disturbing to their complacent sibilities. It was for this rea- idolatry of Mr. Chamberlain. The son that while American opinion Americans, of course, do not was solidly against Hitler it was write with any idea of sparing hardly less solid against the way our susceptibilities. They exer-in which, stage after stage, Mr. cise a freedom in criticising the Chamberlain gave way to him. affairs of others (which they And even now heated discussion may not always understand rages as to who was bluffing, very well) that is highly annoy-whether the Cabinet was at any ing to the victims. They are point ready to fight, and what in- given (quite as much as we are fluences or prejudices led Mr. ourselves) to outbursts of moral Chamberlain to act as he did. fervour and to preaching; it is Americans are fully aware not for nothing that we have a that it does not lie with them, common cultural heritage. But who had no intention of fighting American views of Europe to- if they could help it, to throw day have certain advantages; stones. But all the same they have the detachment that should be foolish if we did not comes of safety, and show fewer take heed of the way the coun- signs of "wishful thinking." The try whose spirit is closest to our proprietor of the peanut stand own is now reacting. It is agreed outside the White House gates that the United States is more summed up his country's back-bitterly anti-German than she ground pretty faithfully when he was when she entered the war in declared to a group of custom- 1917; there is none of the “neu- trality of thought" that Wilson Look, all the world is yelling enjoined in 1914. It is agreed and pushing at each other ex-also that it has become immense- cept here. Here is peace and no ly harder to expect American fuss.
Over there, there intervention in European ́affairs are guns. Here there ain't no or American initiative in any in- guns. Here there's squirrels on ternational economic or disarma- the lawn.
ment conference: Collective sec- The distance from "over there" urity is seen as dead; the Europ- has brought only disenchantean democracies, either from ment, and it is understatement weakness or from lack of will, to say that the great mass of are not asserting the ideals of American opinion would accept international order and respect Mr. Churchill's desperate analysis for law that the United States of the new state of Europe holds. So she turns to isolation rather than that with which and to armaments, framed, 'like Ministers and the Tory press our own, from motives of self- present us. Almost without ex-defence. If there is no Empire, ception the American press pic-there is the American continent, tures an immensely powerful North and South, to be guarded, [Germany; held back only tem- and it must be assumed, so Mr. porarily by an insecure peace, Walter Lippmann contends, that and with Italian and Japanese the British Navy is no longer Fallies; an aloof Russia, capable of sufficient shield. It still remains, making her own terms with Ger- however, to discover what for- many; the smaller States of eign policy the United States Europe all ready to jump on the will develop towards the situa “German bandwagon", a weak- tion she considers so dangerous. ened France, sunk to a second-At the moment isolation and self- rate Power and almost a "British sufficiency hold the field, temper- protectorate"; and an England ed for us at best by the prospect with no clear purpose, having of a benevolent neutrality. The killed "collective security" and constructive co-operative policy having nothing to put in its that seemed to be baltingly evol place but endless concessions to ing from Mr. Roosevelt's force-in colonies or at other antine speech" has been dashed. people's expense..
It is academic just now to talk
lers:
We
This is not to say that Ameri-of its revival. Before the United cans were not, as relieved as the States can be brought back
of the world when peace was
the great influence
for President Roosevelt, had in the world that in at hér.
We must earn... -- her fes- At present
BOMB
in it and his political
tried without much pect and conn
make capital out of we unhappily enjoy neither.