HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 97
OFFICIAL REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS
Thursday, 2nd November 1972
The Council met at half-past Two o'clock
[MR PRESIDENT in the Chair]
PRESENT
HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR (PRESIDENT)
SIR CRAWFORD MURRAY MACLEHOSE, KCMG, MBE
THE HONOURABLE THE COLONIAL SECRETARY
SIR HUGH SELBY NORMAN-WALKER, KCMG, OBE, JP
THE HONOURABLE THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
MR DENYS TUDOR EMIL ROBERTS, CBE, QC, JP
THE HONOURABLE THE SECRETARY FOR HOME AFFAIRS
MR DONALD COLLIN CUMYN LUDDINGTON, JP
THE HONOURABLE THE FINANCIAL SECRETARY
MR CHARLES PHILIP HADDON-CAVE, JP
THE HONOURABLE DAVID RICHARD WATSON ALEXANDER, CBE, JP DIRECTOR OF URBAN SERVICES
THE HONOURABLE JAMES JEAVONS ROBSON, CBE, JP
DIRECTOR OF PUBLIC WORKS
THE HONOURABLE JOHN CANNING, JP
DIRECTOR OF EDUCATION
DIRECTOR OF MEDICAL AND HEALTH SERVICES
DR THE HONOURABLE GERALD HUGH CHOA, CBE, JP
THE HONOURABLE JACK CATER, MBE, JP
SECRETARY FOR INFORMATION
THE HONOURABLE DENIS CAMPBELL BRAY, JP
DISTRICT COMMISSIONER, NEW TERRITORIES
THE HONOURABLE PAUL TSUI KA-CHEUNG, OBE, JP
COMMISSIONER OF LABOUR
THE HONOURABLE IAN MACDONALD LIGHTBODY, JP
COMMISSIONER FOR RESETTLEMENT
THE HONOURABLE GEORGE TIPPETT ROWE, CBE, JP
DIRECTOR OF SOCIAL WELFARE
THE HONOURABLE DAVID HAROLD JORDAN, MBE, JP
DIRECTOR OF COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY
THE HONOURABLE WOO PAK-CHUEN, OBE, JP
THE HONOURABLE WILFRED WONG SIEN-BING, OBE, JP
THE HONOURABLE MRS ELLEN LI SHU-PUI, OBE, JP
THE HONOURABLE WILSON WANG TZE-SAM, OBE, JP
THE HONOURABLE HERBERT JOHN CHARLES BROWNE, OBE, JP DR THE HONOURABLE CHUNG SZE-YUEN, OBE, JP
THE HONOURABLE LEE QUO-WEI, OBE, JP
THE HONOURABLE OSWALD VICTOR CHEUNG, OBE, QC, JP
THE HONOURABLE ANN TSE-KAI, OBE, JP
THE HONOURABLE ROGERIO HYNDMAN LOBO, OBE, JP
THE HONOURABLE MRS CATHERINE JOYCE SYMONS, OBE, JP THE HONOURABLE PETER GORDON WILLIAMS, JP
THE HONOURABLE JAMES WU MAN-HON, JP
ABSENT
THE HONOURABLE SZETO WAI, OBE, JP
IN ATTENDANCE
THE CLERK TO THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL
MR RODERICK JOHN FRAMPTON
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 98
Motion
Address of thanks to His Excellency the Governor
Resumption of debate on motion (1st November 1972)
HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT: —Council will resume and continue with the debate on the address of thanks.
Question again proposed.
MR LEE: —
(Address delivered in the Cantonese dialect. The following is the interpretation of what Mr LEE said.)
Your Excellency, while almost everyone has expressed great satisfaction and appreciation for the 10-year development programme as announced by you, there has been some concern for the substantial capital and recurrent expenditure that would inevitably arise therefrom. Whether or not Hong Kong will be able to proceed with these programmes certainly depends on our economic growth. Your Excellency has, firstly, covered in some length the background of our economy and the external factors that would affect its growth, secondly, expressed your confidence in our trading prospects both in the immediate future and in the longer term and, thirdly, also explained two significant external grounds for hope. Although there is not much one can add to what you have already said, I would endeavour to point out another favourable factor, which is the adaptability of our people to meet changing circumstances. Our economy is basically sound. This is demonstrated by the strength of the Hong Kong dollar during recent weeks when sterling weakened considerably. Besides being a sound industrial city, Hong Kong is now fast becoming an active financial centre in the Far East. All these factors contribute to our steady and continuous growth. Therefore, I feel hopeful that the recurrent and capital revenue available to us over the rest of this decade will be sufficient to enable us to finance your proposed 10-year programme.
In Your Excellency's speech you laid stress on the importance of the programme for housing 1.8 million people over the next 10 years, pointing out that this housing must be accompanied by a full ration of medical facilities, primary and secondary schools, parks and playgrounds, police stations, community centres, and so on. You also said that there must be work for the people who live there and that there must be sites for private commercial and residential development. To summarize, the key is "these towns must be built as a whole", as you said.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 99
I am sure that the implications of this vast development programme will be well appreciated by all the Government departments concerned. Yet I cannot help wondering whether sufficient impetus will be given to push forward with the utmost possible speed the production of the vast number of interrelated plans which have to be made and the taking of the many decisions, financial and otherwise, which will have to be taken. Right at the beginning of the process there is the vital need for the drawing up of development plans for the new towns in Tsuen Wan, Sam Tseng, Tuen Mun, Yuen Long, Fanling, Shek Wu Hui, Tai Po and Sha Tin. When will these development plans be ready and what is the timetable for implementing them? If they are not yet available, can dates be set for their publication? What I am extremely concerned about is that, taking Sha Tin for example, so far I have been told there is only one development plan which was produced in 1967 and is still being revised in the light of changing conditions. I have been informed that the only development plan which has been decided is what is known as Stage I Phase I for Sha Tin, and that concerns only an area to be developed primarily for public housing. What is needed is the speedy drawing up of an overall development plan to which public and private development alike can be geared. The delay in making such a decision has laid a dead hand upon the development of the New Territories and has inhibited the growth which might well have taken place had a decision in such plans been made at an earlier date. Sir, it is important for a master plan to be drawn up, to prescribe the specific dates by which each of these plans would be ready and also indicating the dates by which the various public services such as drainage, water and roads would be made available in each development area.
To enable the private sector to contribute to the solution of the housing problem, Government should speed up the development and sale of land in these areas. In the past, most land had to be fully formed and the services provided before a sale could be made. This causes unnecessary delay in proceeding with private development plans. Under present procedure it is only after a developer has obtained physical possession of the land that he can even start to put into operation the complex procedure for building. The procedure involves obtaining the approval of building plans and the related approval of several other interested departments. All this takes a good deal of time. My suggestion is that land for private development should in future be sold even before it is fully formed and certainly well before the date when the basic services are provided, it being understood that these services are to be provided within a certain period to time. If the title to the land is sold in advance, then developers could proceed with their plans and get to the stage when the architects have done their work and the Buildings Ordinance Office has given approval. They may even begin to proceed with some of the foundation work.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 100
[MR LEE] Motion
If this work could be expedited, the entire process of development may be telescoped by as much as 12 to 18 months.
Time is money. When land prices and construction costs are consistently rising today, simplification of administrative procedures will certainly help reducing costs of buildings. This would in a way assist solving some of our social problems.
In the field of social welfare I fully endorse Your Excellency's views of "laying down the lines along which social welfare should be extended, and providing for the training of the people to extend it". My honourable Friend Mr G. T. ROWE, Director of Social Welfare, has rendered loyal service to Hong Kong for thirty-one years during which time many accomplishments have been made. I am particularly interested in the White Paper entitled "Social Welfare in Hong Kong: The way ahead" put forth by him at the Legislative Council. For the social welfare services in Hong Kong this document is an important milestone and I firmly believe its proposals will be implemented in the near future. It is regrettable that my honourable Friend will not be able personally to execute the various programmes proposed in the White Paper; he should nevertheless be proud of having been associated with its preparation.
Although I do not intend to comment on the contents of the White Paper, I am in complete agreement with the principles laid down by it in the direction of promoting social welfare. As a matter of fact, the White Paper has definitely given us certain answers for the solution of various social services problems. Since the public assistance scheme has been successfully launched it is quite natural that the orphans, widowed, disabled and aged will be well looked after. The White Paper proposes that in principle assistance should be given to these people without a means test. Although my honourable colleagues, Mrs Ellen LI and Mr Wilson WANG, have already given this proposal their support, because it makes good sense, I also have a little more to add. A scheme without a means test may not cost more than a scheme based on means test. The majority of the members of Hong Kong's community are Chinese, who strongly uphold the virtue of filial love. As long as they are capable of supporting their parents they will not ask for help from other people. Those who do come forward to ask for assistance must be those who are desperate. Of course, there may be exceptions but these would be borderline cases, the number of which would be small. Even taking the proposal of no means test as a further extension of the social security system in Hong Kong, it can at worst be regarded as a substitute—a sensible one—for a comprehensive social security system which must be based on contributions and is not likely to be gladly accepted by the people.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 101
I now wish to say a few words about the City District Office scheme. Since its inception, this scheme has no doubt very successfully served its purpose as an important channel of communication between Government and the people. The hard work put in by the pioneers of the scheme and those succeeding them is highly commendable. However, in view, the time has now come when Government should to the CD0s some executive authority. I am fully aware that this is an important and controversial question. It is, therefore, proposed as a principle for consideration and hence I do not wish to quote any specific field to which such executive authority be extended. But in view of the fact that all CDOs are better acquainted with what is going on in their districts than most other Government department, it is beyond doubt that if they were given a limited but appropriate executive authority their effectiveness would be further enhanced.
In proposing my above suggestions, I must point out that in recent years, some of the Administrative Officers and Executive Officers recruited to serve as CDOs only have, on the average, one to two years of experience in Government. I believe all my Unofficial colleagues in this Council will share my views on the importance of this scheme to both Government and members of the public. I therefore earnestly hope that Government will give priority in the allocation of more experienced staff to the scheme to enable its further development to the benfit of the entire community.
Sir, before concluding, I feel I ought to say a few words about the Sterling Guarantee. With our economy steadily expanding, the uncertainty overhanging the future of the Guarantee and in particular the recent weakness of sterling, has understandably caused great public concern in that it will in a way affect the future value of the Hong Kong dollar, at least in relation to sterling and possibly other currencies. As the latest statement made by my honourable Friend the Financial Secretary was some time ago, I hope he is now in a position to inform us of recent developments and to assure us that our reserves are well protected.
Sir, I support the motion.
MR CHEUNG: —Sir, the outline you gave of Government's policy in relation to the development of the New Territories, whilst brief, is nevertheless indicative of far-reaching and fundamental changes, which are wholly to be welcomed.
You referred, Sir, to the massive administrative and professional effort which may be required to implement the programme.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 102
[MR CHEUNG] Motion
Much of that effort, it seems to me, must go towards the preparation of positive development plans for the new towns, and in this regard I wholly support what has already been urged by my honourable Friend Mr Q. W. LEE this afternoon.
Secondly I hope that the impetus you have given, Sir, will not be lost. The late President KENNEDY, if I remember correctly, said it was comparatively easy to make a decision, but that it was extremely difficult to get decisions carried out. The effort that is needed is to implement the decisions that have been made.
The third point I wish to make is that in any development on the scale contemplated it is unavoidable that land in private hands has to be resumed. There has been general satisfaction in the New Territories with what is known as the Letter B scheme, whereby Government agrees to give land in exchange for land resumed, but there has been fairly acute dissatisfaction in cases to which this scheme does not apply and, in particular, where land outside a layout area is resumed. Here the landowner is left with only two alternatives, either he sells his land by private treaty to the Government or he takes his case for assessment of compensation before a Land Resumption Tribunal; in either case, in my experience, he gets less compensation than what he would have got under a Letter B. It has seemed to me illogical to give a different treatment to land resumed when it is within a layout area than when land is resumed outside a layout area; in both cases, when the land is required for a public purpose and often in connection with the purposes of the layout area, such as a road or water mains leading to it, there is, in my opinion, a fair case for treating both kinds of landowners alike whether their land is situated within or without a layout area.
It may be, Sir, that the provisions of the Land Resumption Ordinance, as regards the basis on which land is valued for compensation, are defective, and I would like to see detailed consideration given to whether the Ordinance can be amended.
However, perhaps other equitable methods can be devised to deal with compensation for land resumption.
Lastly, I am very gratified that you, Sir, recognize the importance of building Toads to make Lantau and other parts of our New Territories accessible for recreation and tourism, a policy which I think all my Unofficial colleagues applaud.
With those modest contributions, Sir, I warmly support the motion of thanks before Council.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 103
MR ANN: —Sir, I rise to join my honourable colleagues to speak on crime, particularly on armed robbery.
In classical Chinese, there is an expression which reads "robbers and burglars are now as countless as the hairs on an animal's coat". I could never grasp this figure of speech until recent years, when I have been exposed to so much news of burglaries and robberies. This expression might be intended to describe a huge number as well as the confused state of things. Some argue that we have exaggerated the actual situation in Hong Kong. But the average citizen, having read and heard so much about robberies, is bound to get alarmed under the circumstances. His imagination fired, he cannot help seeing a long shadow cast across his pathway and at the very threshold of his home.
Blame has been placed repeatedly on the victims who did not report to the Police. Many people are indignant at the apathy of bystanders at the scene of crime.
Crime statistics were debated in this Council on 6th January 1971. Armed robbery has truly further increased since then. Too many cases have been reported on television, radio and in the press at such frequent intervals that sometimes they become every-day business. In one paper the expression "customary robbery case" was used. Two weeks ago eight robbers, the largest number ever reported in one single group, joined hands in a bank hold-up. Japanese tourists are reported to have said to their own reporters in their home country that Hong Kong is no longer a shoppers' paradise, but is now a robbers' paradise.
On the other hand, homicide cases are being enumerated by our newsmen. The last reported was the 98th case of the year. Mostly sharp knives or triangular files were used and the victims died on the way to or in hospital, presumably from excessive bleeding.
To my mind, Sir, these two types of crime, their image interwoven in Hong Kong people's mind, may be relevantly responsible for the present situation in which we find ourselves. I shall expound later on this relevancy.
The lawless not only scorn the law but are heartless, as witness the recent case where an elderly blind woman was robbed.
Sir, it is debatable whether these bloody terrorizing crimes can be viewed in isolation without regard to our circumstances, and whether they can primarily be considered juvenile delinquency. My argument is that Hong Kong is a small place but a much more crowded urbanization than other larger cities of the world. As a brute force, terroristic acts have in this place a larger social coefficient than when they occur elsewhere.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 104
[MR ANN] Motion
Sir, I sense a vicious circle forming here. To start with, there are too many robbery cases and too many knifing victims who have bled to gruesome death. Every case has been fully reported in the press, on radio and television. Every day the population becomes more frightened and less enthusiastic to get involved in brawls with young robbers, unless they are directly assaulted. Since the victims are always singled out by the criminals, more often than not the victims are outnumbered. We have at the moment a police force under-strength which has to tackle more and more criminal cases in a more permissive society. Thus, robbers get away too easily unscathed from the scene of a crime, and are temporarily shielded from detection in an overcrowded city. Having learned the news through the various forms of media, more villains get encouragement and are willing to take a chance. Thus, more robberies flare up. Of course, one cannot preclude the possibility of repeated crimes by one same thug or same groups of thugs.
Hong Kong claims to have the largest per capita readership of newspapers in this region. It is estimated that, including evening papers, the daily publication is 1.4 million copies, English papers not counted. We have almost three quarters of a million television sets and countless transistor radios for a population of four million.
In this context I am convinced that knifing crimes do have a bearing on the multiciplicity of robberies and I think the following questions may be properly asked: Why are the knife killings always so fatal? Are the criminals trained killers? Where are they trained? Where do they get their early and first impression of thrusting a knife into a human body? In the United Kingdom, any immigrant who brings a knife longer than six inches with him has to declare it to the customs. Do we have a watch on knife imports and distribution? Further questions: Where do the robbers sell their plunder when it is not cash? Where do they spend their easy money? There are plenty of jobs in Hong Kong. Why must they steal or rob instead of finding a job? If we tried to answer these questions, I believe the rate of crime detection could improve. And if we can only break one of the links of this vicious circle, I believe the crime rate will recede. The most effective counter-measure is to bring our police force up to strength. This, Sir, you have already given the order to put into effect, though it may take time to implement.
Sir, in business I believe in management by accounts, management by exception and management by maxim, as a package proposal. Accounts kept up to date will show whether or not everything is under control, and whether or not the business is being run within the frame of a preconceived plan and policy. When it is traced that something
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 105
has gone wrong, exception is there and it should call for concentrated efforts. Maxims usually deal with human behaviour and have general truth. Indigenous maxims that have blood and flesh relationship with the grassroots have more intrinsic merit. They are useful in handling exceptions to offer guidance and to maximize the achievement.
I think Government needs to treat this upsurge of knife robberies as an exception. A knife is a cheap, convenient but effective weapon when used to terrorize unarmed singled-out individuals. Too often it is pointed at the victim at very close range and out of the blue so that he is rendered helpless and others dare not come to his aid. If I advocate that every citizen should carry a knife to resist would-be knifing robbers, it would be an absurd suggestion. We all agree we must rely on deterrence to combat these crimes. An old Chinese dictum offers some kind of solution, which is: "Use heavy penalty when and where the social order is threatened". However, this may not fit into a modem society like Hong Kong where Government rules through three branches: administrative, legislative and judicial, each independent of the other and entitled to its own view. We look forward to long-term programmes.
Sir, I foresee that Governments set policy of improving education, also housing and social welfare for the less fortunate and to raise the standards of living of the population must bring bonus and reduce crime. Violent crimes now disturbing us could provide a pivotal point for debate on these broad issues.
Hitherto there has not been enough education opportunity for youngsters between 12 and 14. Most of the youths in this age group are actually living in a what I call "social limbo". They are neither studying nor working, and are the raw material for moulding into future criminals. The issue we encounter today must be in some way due to our inability to tackle these young people in the past. Educational programmes tailored for them must be hastened. We cannot afford to wait too long. Sir, you have rightly pressed for an accelerated programme. Perhaps measures in addition to education may be required such as elimination of bad influences on them. I fully support your sound policy of a good neighbourhood.
Squatter dwellings and congested housing could provide circumstantial conditions for weaklings suffering from psychological imbalance. The unfortunate could well be more assisted by the new housing and social welfare programmes. I feel special attention needs to be paid towards strengthening family ties which can still be counted upon as a bulwark to our social stability. Because this is on an indigenous foundation, to tackle local problems, in my belief, traditional thinking should not be completely ignored. We shall be on the wrong track
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 106
[MR ANN] Motion
if Western thinking is adopted too rigidly in social field-work or reformative undertaking.
In spite of the various points I have mentioned, I feel that there are more robberies perpetrated by the greedy than the needy. Greed is a sick development of "envy" which is the inactive or morbid end of competitive spirit (of which we have plenty in Hong Kong), whereas to endeavour to excel is the other active and healthy end. In other words, the robbery crime here today, to my belief, is in part a by-product of this plentiful materialistic society, prompted by indolence and a strong desire to get rich quick. Many criminals are in fact self-unemployed and some must have become incorrigibles.
It is all too well-known that crime is usually a twin brother of drug addiction, gambling or prostitution. Prevention resulting from a well thought-out overall policy as has been unfolded by you, Sir, is the best solution.
In conclusion, Sir, I wish first to see the vicious circle broken. The following suggestion may seem shocking or outrageous to a society enjoying freedom of speech, but I plead that our press, radio and television should voluntarily refrain for a period of say six months from reporting knifing crimes where the criminals were not apprehended or arrested at the scene of the crime. Conversely, our reporters and newscasters should emphasize news of arrests and sentences. The Police after having received report of a crime will in any case be hard after the criminals. Certainly, the details of a crime should be described for public knowledge after arrests are made. First of all, silence terrorizes the guilty still at large. Secondly, as a bonus, no information will be inadvertently divulged for the benefit of those who may plan making an audacious attempt. The human thinking process and the action resulting therefrom is, as a matter of fact, guided by association of ideas. This will cut off some association of ideas to the would-be perpetrators. We must assume that all criminals do listen to radio broadcasts, read newspapers and watch television.
Sir, these tactics fall in line with the first general observation you made on combating crimes, that is deterrence by fear of detection. We can further liken these tactics to an old Chinese strategy: To withdraw a burning log from underneath the cooking-pot. As a complementary measure, it worked in two cities at least in the forties in this part of the world when the aftermath of war caused serious social disorder and brought about countless cases of robberies. Of course, these two cities were then not under civil rule.
Since litter can bring fines of up to $2,000, I would like to see a piece of new legislation with a timed validity be introduced in this
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 107
Council to subject anybody who carries dangerous knives on the street, I repeat on the street, without valid reason, unless with a licence by police, also to a fine of $2,000 and threaten heavy penalties for offenders of knifing or axing crimes and also killing with triangular files, razors or scissors or broken bottles. We need a plainer language than the term "deadly weapon" so that every citizen can understand well. This will of course inconvenience food hawkers, meat merchants, fruit pedlars, knife retailers and maybe some others, but I am confident that the masses living under the shadow of the glittering knife will support this new legislation and assist the Police to exercise surveillance. We must not lose sight of the possibility that when the criminals grow rich, they will have the financial ability to enter a clandestine market for more deadly weapons.
In the past year, there has been a noticeable increase in sexual offences. According to the estimate made by the Census and Statistics Department at mid 1972, males of the age 15 to 54 outnumber females by 10.5%, and 20 to 39 by 13.8%. Our male population in the marriageable age groups thus exceeds our female population by a good percentage, rarely exceeded by any other place in the world. A fair guess at the future would make one uncomfortable. The most convenient weapon used for intimidation in these crimes is also the knife.
Thus far I have omitted mention of other weapons, not because I have no respect for firearms, but because I feel for the moment there is dire need to place special emphasis on knifing crimes in our circumstances.
Sir, the people have now clearly seen your determination to wipe out crimes until ease of mind of the population is assured. Practical and imaginative measures have now been devised and more new measures will be forthcoming. I will whole-heartedly join honourable Members in support of other new measures, whether on an experimental basis or otherwise, even though such new measures incur more increases in our annual expenditure. We all understand that law and order is of first importance to Hong Kong's continuing prosperity, and in all probability it has to be bought at a higher price.
With these comments, Sir, I support the motion.
MR LOBO: —Your Excellency, I rise to support the motion of thanks and to speak about the proposals in your address to this Council of the 18th of October. In doing so, I shall concentrate my address on social welfare issues, our young people and cultural affairs. I have long held the view that in Hong Kong we have underestimated the value of social welfare; and that we have not been prepared to make sufficient resources available for this purpose. I very much
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 108
[MR LOBO] Motion
hope that what you said, Sir, and what is proposed in the White Paper, really will mark a new departure for the Social Welfare Department and all the affected social welfare agencies.
Before I come to the major proposals in the White Paper, let me make three points. The first is in regard to the post of Director of Social Welfare. I wish to voice my concern which is shared by so many civic leaders and welfare agencies on the number of "hats being exchanged". Over a period of nine years there have been four substantive holders of the post. Continuity in this post, as indeed in many Head of Department postings, is essential. I would urge, Sir, that the incumbent should remain in his office for at least four years.
My other two points are about the way in which the future social welfare plans were prepared. I believe that it was entirely right that they should have been prepared not in isolation by the Social Welfare Department but in close co operation with those working in the voluntary social welfare agencies. I know that this feature of the preparation has been specially welcomed by my friends in the agencies. I believe equally that it was right to publish the White Paper in draft, so that the views of the community as a whole could be heard before final decisions were taken. If the process of consultation is to be taken seriously, then this process might be regarded as a model for other areas of forward planning.
Now, let me turn to the proposals in the White Paper. I think the keynote of this paper was brought out by my honourable Friend the Director of Social Welfare when he introduced it to this Council. He said that the White Paper put forward “realistic solutions to the most pressing social welfare problems of Hong Kong”. I share that view. The proposals, in themselves, will not transform social welfare in Hong Kong overnight. Nor do they constitute all that those concerned with social welfare, like myself, would like to see done. But they do represent, in my view, a realistic minimum in terms of what can be done with the available staff and resources. I urge, therefore, that the proposals in the White Paper are not watered down in any way. If that were done, it would be a great disservice to Hong Kong. The proposals were put forward as a complete programme; any arbitrary cuts would certainly reduce their total impact and might well undermine them altogether.
The main features of the White Paper are set out in Chapters 5 and 6. In some ways, Chapter 6 is the most important chapter because it looks ahead to the future. I agree that the potential arrears of development it spells out are those where most effort should be made. It is right that we should concentrate on helping those least
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 109
able to help themselves, such as the disabled and the elderly. It is also right that we should do what we can to improve community and social facilities through extension of community centres, and through the appointment of community and youth officers.
Taking the second "package" of proposals first, I have emphasized before the need for social welfare officers to work in each district of Hong Kong, especially in densely populated areas. They should work at the "grass roots" level to provide channels of advice, information and practical help, a level which, at the moment, is not being touched, unfortunately, by Government. It would be a great pity if these officers were to become eventually to be regarded as “little officials”. Rather they should act as "older brothers" who would lend a hand to those in need, helping them to overcome their difficulties and to find a sense of identity. They would be leaders who would encourage participation and involvement in district activities and to create the sense of belonging.
To return to the first "package" of proposals, you asked, Sir, for comments on the proposal that the severely disabled should be given financial support regardless of their means—on proof of disability, just as people are eligible for public assistance on proof of poverty. May I say very plainly that I believe that this proposal as it stands in the White Paper is of fundamental importance and should be adopted. All of us recognize the additional expenses and the other burdens that have to be borne by families with severely disabled and infirm elderly family members. It makes good sense to offer financial support in all these cases without any arbitrary cut off points that a means test inevitably implies. For if by continuing to look after disabled and elderly family members there is less need for expensive residential or institutional care, then the rest of the community will benefit financially—and the disabled and the infirmed will be best off as members of the family.
Recreational equipment. Voluntary agencies have contributed enormously towards youth programmes. At present most of these agencies are not in a position to obtain heavy recreational equipment and supplies for lack of funds and they stand cap-in-hand hoping to get a small share of some trust fund for this purpose. Others do not even venture to queue up for this, realizing full well that their shoe string budget will create even greater difficulties in having to maintain this equipment. May I therefore suggest that consideration be given now to having a central pool from where agencies could borrow such equipment until other plans eventually materialize. Government and philanthropic bodies could purchase and maintain this equipment. Perhaps even the military authorities would be glad to do so as a capital investment in our young men and women of tomorrow.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 110
[MR LOBO] Motion
Another point is: we should integrate now all recreation, cultural as well as physical, in one department whose responsibility would be to organize all activities through district centres and schools. These centres would be responsible for co-ordinating all cultural and athletic activities, whether official or voluntary, and would have as their aim the developing of highly skilled national performers in sport, music and drama (Chinese and Western), dancing and singing etc. This can only be accomplished by proper organization at all levels.
Every year we have distinguished international music adjudicators coming to Hong Kong who express amazement at the staggering interest in our Music Festival and compliment us on the high level of competence of our children and their teachers. Yet our gifted Hong Kong youth orchestra has no place to practise and has to go cap in hand looking for sufficient donations to travel to an international gathering at which it will represent Hong Kong, no doubt with distinction. We have a Chinese choir that has been applauded in Singapore as the "best in Asia" yet it too needs premises and support.
It cannot be too frequently repeated that half of Hong Kong's population is under the age of 25. This vast youthful reservoir of idealism, enthusiasm and energy has to be harnessed if we are going to improve the quality of life in Hong Kong. How is this to be done when Hong Kong schools are turning out every year large numbers of school leavers who are unable to find work suitable for their qualifications? At the end of March 1972 there were nearly 1,300,000 students attending schools at pre-university level. These students fall into three categories. Firstly, the dropouts—those who through failure are unable to pass even their primary school examinations and for whom therefore the future holds little in store. Secondly, those who pass—and some who do very well in their primary school examinations but whose parents are unable to obtain secondary education for them. Thirdly, the more fortunate people who can go on to some form of secondary, technical or post-primary education. Now, Sir, what happens to all the young people in these three groups? There are few statistics. We do not know how many in each group find work and how many do not. There is no agency charged with the responsibility of seeing that those jobs which are available are allocated to students according to their individual temperament, aptitude and ability. And there is no agency specifically to help those who cannot find work at all.
Bearing this in mind, Sir, I wish to urge the setting up of a Youth Employment Agency. This would do a great deal more than the Labour Department's present Youth Employment Advisory Service. It would cover actual placement of jobs.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 111
It would do its best to ensure that the great reservoir of energy and talent which I have referred to is put to the best available use in business, industry or such other employment which is available. It would try to match the output of students to the availability of jobs. The statistics built up by such a service would be of invaluable help in planning the future development of our educational services and in organizing the various types of courses to be provided in the various types of educational institutions. It would also help to reduce labour turnover and wastage. Young persons who are prepared to work for a short period—say a year—between leaving school and going on to university would also be able to use the services of the agency. This is a well tried method for promising young people to "find focus".
Now the 64 million-dollar question, of course, is where all the money for all these programmes is to come from? I support those who have been advocating the legalization of off-course betting. There is no need to argue the public benefits that have accrued from Government lotteries and the Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club's philanthropic activities. They are already self-evident. There is also no need to point out the amount of illegal benefits that have accrued to the undesirable elements from our past and present policy. These illegalities are going to increase with the introduction of the greater activities in the race course. It would seem therefore not only reasonable but essential that steps be taken now to introduce legislation, making off-course betting legal, and the money obtained to be used for social welfare and other activities you have outlined.
Finally, you have also said, Sir, “nobody commits a crime when he believes it will be detected”. May I suggest that until such time as additional law enforcement and other measures can come to fruition that we might consider the re-introduction of the use of the whistle which was withdrawn from public use some years ago. I can recall that a large section of our population kept whistles in their pockets or on their key rings to summon protection for themselves and others in times of need. Many of my honourable Friends will know what I mean by "chui ngan kai" meaning "blow silver whistle". Many people would be only too glad to use the whistle although they may hesitate to risk the physical dangers of intervention when they see a crime committed. Combined with the new auxiliary police arm, and citizens anti-crime committees in each area of the Colony, this would constitute a real deterrent to many criminals.
Sir, I beg to support the motion.
MRS SYMONS: —Sir, I find myself very enthusiastic and sanguine at the prospect of the development of the educational facilities outlined by Your Excellency at the opening of the new session of this Council.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 112
[MRS SYMONS] Motion
In Hong Kong we often assess ourselves and our own position with a measure of satisfaction and even gratitude; but when there is evidence of further endeavour as suggested by you, Sir, then I submit a proper balance has been established. In the policy outlined of the development of three years post-primary education for all, I see a most exciting challenge which few countries or communities are called upon to attempt for so many in so short a time; I do not propose today to work out what this will cost us in terms of human endeavour and dollars and cents; for there are many financial experts here; rather I would confine myself to a few reflections on the educational aspects of the proposed expansion.
One suspects that there has never been much philosophical thinking in the past whenever education was provided. Church schools, some of which have stood the test of time and are often considered the élite of our grammar schools today, and a handful of pre-war Government schools equally prestigous today, did in fact provide a good all-round education of a sort; but there was no necessity in those halcyon days to think of or speak about the philosophy of education, which is never a simple topic. Today can we really afford to build, stall and run a school without positively thinking about the children as children, and not as examinees? Will we be able to provide in three years of post primary education a new thinking, or will we merely create another generation of educational have-nots as we attempt to persuade 14 to 16 year olds to leave Form III without moving up to the two-year certificate course? We must study the system in other countries and then evolve our own. Each year thousands of certificate holders enrol in matriculation courses as there are so few training facilities or job opportunities. Then two years later the process is repeated and many upper-sixth leavers enter tertiary education to postpone the inevitable day of starting work. As conditions in overseas countries especially the United States change, fewer of our students will proceed abroad, and then expanded enrolment at our two universities and the Polytechnic will not be enough.
New planning will surely take into consideration the imbalance of academic education to vocational and technical education which is at present so characteristic of our system. It will take much research, much soul-searching and much more subtle persuasion to convince our parents that not all their children should proceed to university. All that was good and durable in the past is certainly worth extracting in essence and retaining, but an initial firststep in the rethinking of a viable educational system must face this issue fairly and squarely; though it will be much easier to ignore it.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 113
I welcome the promise of bold, new ideas and the opportunity for many to share in the new order. It is really essential now to examine curricula being planned in the context of preparing not just Hong Kong citizens of the future, but citizens of the world.
There is no doubt at all that the well-educated Chinese youth trained in two disciplines will be an invaluable interpreter to the West of the best in Chinese thinking and to the millions in China some of the newly discovered wonders of western culture (particularly of the past) and the miracles of western science. If the world is to be one world at peace at the end of this century, then we have an opportunity never before given any city to evolve a new pattern of education towards this aim—modem man capable of assessing the past impartially, capable of coping with the present and, above all, capable of wanting to survive in the future with dignity and forbearance.
One great drawback about the discussion of education anywhere is the abundance of self-appointed experts to provide instant and inevitably oversimplified answers to educational problems. If anything, the situation in Hong Kong is further complicated because of the traditional love of learning of our people, the somewhat misplaced confidence in the intrinsic and diagnostic value of examinations and the equally alarming insistence on academic grammar schooling both on the part of parents and many school authorities.
If I have any misgivings about future replanning, it is the fear (I hope unfounded) that our youngsters will not willingly support technical institutions at the various levels, partly because of conservative opposition to blue-collar jobs and partly because of the lack of incentive in economic terms. I realize that I must not tread into the dangerous territory of industry, commerce and economics, and I realize that our shrewd business-men are reluctant perhaps to commit themselves to any indication of their requirements, conditions of service and prospects for the young they want to be trained at very heavy public expense. I very much hope that this will be kept in mind when further technical education facilities are planned.
The suggestion, and a viable one, that bisessionalism may have to be reintroduced does not frighten me unduly; apart from the practical aspect of providing more places initially it will be immeasurably helpful financially. Hong Kong has always been able to improvise, and should be able to devise something new in bisessionalisrn at the secondary and tertiary levels. The critics of such an emergency measure will naturally be horrified that so many students will be left alone for hours a day; they see an alarming rise in the crime rate, but nothing else. The point which must be made, and made again, is that children cannot be simply bottled up, in richer homes in a cocoon of pleasurable luxury, and in smaller homes tied to home-work
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 114
[MRS SYMONS] Motion
and the influence of television if not the concrete battleground in more crowded areas. Partners in the upbringing of a young person must be the home, the school and society; and society in the context of Hong Kong imposes a heavy and natural responsibility on Government to provide facilities for extra-curricular activities like planned school visits on a permanent basis, recreational pursuits, regional centres for arts and crafts, reading rooms and community halls. The research to be undertaken in the study of such facilities will doubtless be tied up in social service studies. The provision of fresh training facilities at the proposed Institute for Social Work Training, the proposed Police School and the school for dental nursing are most welcome both as avenues of training for three really worthwhile careers, and as necessary steps in the implementation of the improvement of life in our city. Critics of training facilities for the age group of 16-18 need not necessarily be alarmed that those who benefit from such training may not remain in the chosen fields for long. Young people do not commit themselves readily these days until and unless they are convinced of the value of any pursuit, but this surely does not mean that our generation should not provide many different facilities for them.
We have in our education system a healthy diversity which must be encouraged to develop; the time is opportune and the opportunity great to evolve a truly Hong Kong type of education which will give our young people what they want, what they need and what they deserve. Let all of good will join in a tremendous effort as we plan with skill and patience to evolve a solid approach to this great endeavour in our city which is so unique geographically, politically and socially, and in which are found some of the world's keenest learners and steadiest youngsters.
Two other basic areas of human concern, social welfare and housing, to be thoroughly reviewed, expanded and implemented, complete the trilogy to which I have referred in part.
I would like in passing to support the views of my honourable Friends Mrs LI and Mr BROWNE that the new Housing Authority will keep in mind the need to rehouse those of our citizens who earn the least or are the poorest, and to re examine the claims of existing tenants to continue living in public housing.
It is my earnest hope that with the 1971 census figures in hand the authorities will attempt to solve the enormous puzzles of vast numbers of unschooled men and women, boys and girls in our city; that an earnest attempt will be made to lay down certain standards for the establishment of creches and nurseries, for the discovery of the
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 115
hopes, aspirations and frustrations of countless thousands who never had any schooling, and for whom there must be an intelligent and sympathetic planning of community facilities. A new dawn may come in our city as we probe these difficult problems. In these days of less international tension, the Government can really begin to show its concern for the unfortunate in our midst, not through fear of alienating them politically but from a much nobler motive of caring for them and showing to them the dignity which is theirs by right. Money alone will not do it, but genuine concern, even if hitherto not experienced by these people may bend their hearts and to this we are all committed as Councillors or as citizens of this city which so many regard as home.
With these remarks, Sir, I beg to support the motion.
MR WILLAMS: —Your Excellency, in rising to support the motion, may I first congratulate you, Sir, on the simplicity and clarity of your exposition. As one who has definite views that English is most effective when it is simple, it was a delight for me to listen to you.
I say this not merely to take advantage of an opportunity to pay you, Sir, a compliment in public. But we now have simultaneous interpretation into Cantonese or English as the case may be and I am sure this interpretation will be better and more telling if the speaker is using simple language to express well connected thoughts. I consider we in this Council have a duty in this respect. And you, Sir, have given us a very fine lesson and a lead to us all to achieve this.
The plan for the next decade, outlined in your address, is widespread and impressive. It will demand much from many of us to support it but the main burden will be borne undoubtedly by Hong Kong's excellent and hardworking Government. Yesterday my honourable Friend Mr BROWNE stressed the importance of productivity and efficiency in the public service.
For the past twenty years I have been associated with a business that in the export field in Hong Kong, Japan and elsewhere from very small beginnings has been built into one of the largest organizations of its kind in the Far East.
As the business grew, we had to move several times into larger and better appointed offices. In every single instance a move to better offices was followed by an immediate and dramatic increase in our business and a marked improvement in the efficiency and productivity of our staff.
I know that outward modesty and respectability are considered fitting qualities in a Civil Service, but I have no respect for the offices
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 116
[MR WILLIAMS] Motion
in which some of the most important Government departments are housed. They are totally insufficient in space and standards. I consider it of vital importance that civil servants are enabled to work in adequate and reasonably well-appointed offices. To do otherwise is the most false economy. This is recognized in the newer Government offices which are good. It is a great pity that more building was not done years ago. This would have saved so much in rent and made Government as a whole much more fit to face the future. In my view it is a mistake, which I would not like to be repeated.
Turning to the economy, the barriers and threats of further restrictions to the entry of Hong Kong products into several of our important markets is a worry to us all. The terms of various trade agreements have not been satisfactory but they might have been worse, and we must acknowledge the skill of our shrewd and tenacious negotiators who have certainly done their best.
These problems will remain with us for a long time but generally I remain optimistic that we shall continue to find good markets for Hong Kong products.
Relating to the economy, I would like to comment on two matters.
In 1966 I was appointed to the Government Container Committee which proved to be one of my most interesting experiences in Hong Kong. At that time the concept of containerization was very new to most of us; the financial implications were astronomic and the whole prospect fearsome.
Information was gathered from all over the world, studied and analyzed; the Hong Kong scene examined and recommendations made in the Container Committee Report of December 1966, followed by a second report in October 1967.
I think that each one of us who helped to compile these reports believed in what we said but I could not escape a feeling of fantasy, and I think others felt the same. But there is a logic and inevitability in containerization and everything predicted is now coming to pass. Containers are a common sight on and off the roads and in the wharves and the harbour, and the great complex at Kwai Chung is nearing completion. Yet this is the beginning only.
The logic of containerization is simply that it costs less if there is a minimum of handling from door to door; ideally none at all. The inevitability that the world has decided that this is how goods will be transported across the seas and continents and if Hong Kong wants to ship goods to overseas markets, then Hong Kong must accept all the implications of containerization.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 117
These are not necessarily bad. I will mention two examples. A 20ft. container chassis is no wider than a truck and a lot less in length than the 4 or 5 trucks which it will inevitably replace. This will ease road congestion.
The capital commitment of container terminal operators will inevitably compel them to control inland container movement. This should facilitate co operation with the Government departments concerned over traffic difficulties.
Of course there will be many problems and solutions must be found which suit Hong Kong best with all concerned participating to achieve this. However, speaking very generally, containerization is a monster which will not easily adapt to Hong Kong. It is Hong Kong that must adapt to containerization. I have the feeling that some Government departments do not fully understand the logic nor accept the inevitability of containerization that I have just described. I am informed that Government are on the point of making a decision banning all curb-side parking of containers. I would shout a warning before such a ban is made.
I would recommend that:
first, Government should delay formal decisions relating to containers until more experience is gained and more comprehensive data is obtained based on the vastly increased traffic which will develop in the coming year;
second, Government should study in depth the actual congestion on the road caused by containers, as opposed to their equivalent in ordinary trucks;
third, a much more thorough survey should be made of the extra cost and the inconvenience to exporters and importers if the concept of door-to door delivery is disallowed;
fourth, rather than an all-embracing ban on curbside parking, Government should investigate the possibility of selective "parking" and "non parking" areas. Discrimination should not be shown between containers and ordinary trucks which, in theory and in practice, are performing the same function when parking at the curbsides. Parking areas in certain streets should be available for all loading vehicles or else for none of them; and
fifth, improvement in road facilities—such as the Kwai Chung terminal access flyover—should be hastened to cope with the increased vital traffic rather than attempting to curb progress by restrictions.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 118
[MR WILLIAMS] Motion
Next I would refer to what might be termed the fuel of our economy, namely technical skills. As our economic engine develops increasing power, it will demand great quantities of this fuel of a highly refined kind or it will cease to operate. Clearly, therefore, amongst Hong Kong's many pressing needs, technical education and industrial training must have a very high priority.
My honourable Friend Dr S. Y. CHUNG, has dealt with this subject and I fully support his views. In particular, I agree completely with the distinction he draws between technical education and industrial training. The former is barren without the fertilization of the latter. The problems and requirements of industrial training are quite different to those of technical education and this must be kept in mind when the Board of Education is reconstituted. This Board will certainly be fully occupied in the exciting education expansion programme and I consider the recommendation of the Industrial Training Advisory Committee that the direction of industrial training should be in the hands of an Industrial Training Council must be carefully considered.
In the important areas of social welfare, youth activities and amenity projects for the community as a whole, it is interesting to note that the Lotteries Fund has recommended contributions to capital expenditure in social welfare of $37.5 million since 1965 and that the Community Chest has raised $31 million for its member agencies since it started some 4 years ago.
These figures are taken from the White Paper recently tabled and they are impressive. What the White Paper does not mention is that since the war the Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club has been the vehicle for contributing vast sums of money each year for the good of the community, both indirectly through betting duties, and directly by means of capital grants to community projects of every kind. To give one example, the Club itself has made direct contributions of some $200 million for charitable and amenity projects during the past 10 years.
I have drawn attention to this, not in any spirit of comparison, but to highlight the fact that this source of beneficence is not only threatened by the continual extension of illegal off-course betting, but also that the opportunity is being lost to obtain much more for the welfare of the community by failing to legalize and control off-course betting.
The betting duty taken by the Government from racing totalled some $40 million for the past year. Conservative estimates put the volume of off-course betting at some 2 or 3 times the amount wagered
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 119
on the totalizator at the Race Course. It follows therefore that something in the order of $100 million has been lost in revenue from illegal betting in this last year alone.
It is said that the Chinese have a gambling disposition. I do not know how much they differ from other races in this respect but I do know that the great majority of Chinese do have a disposition to respect the law. I am of the opinion that a large proportion of people in Hong Kong consider the present situation unreasonable and inequitable. He who can afford the time and money to go to the races, and provided he can get in, is allowed to bet. Others less fortunate are denied this privilege and at present, if they wish to bet, have no alternative but to turn to illegal bookmakers. It is not surprising that under these conditions there is no great strength of feeling that the bookmaker is a criminal member of our society. If, for the many who want to bet, there was a legal opportunity to do so, I consider that trade of the illegal bookmaker would be considerably curbed and there would be far more public support for the police in their efforts to arrest these wrongdoers who contribute absolutely nothing to the community from the enormous turnover they enjoy.
I am not advocating that all gambling should be legalized. I am simply saying that for the good of the community the gambling which is permitted at the Happy Valley Race Course should be legally permitted in other parts of Hong Kong provided it is in responsible hands and the community benefits from the profits.
I respect the views of the many good people who are opposed to gambling. That much grief is brought into the homes of the compulsive gambler with small means I do not deny. But I say there is less protection for the compulsive horse race gambler in Hong Kong today than there would be with properly run legalized off-course totalisator betting.
My honourable Friend Mrs Ellen LI made a valid comparison between gambling and drinking. A great many people are partial to stimulants out of a glass but the vast majority of them are not alcoholics. In the same way I believe little harm comes to the great majority of those who gamble on horse races within their means.
Indeed, my personal view is that a multiple bet, where for a small stake an investor may win a large sum, does negligible harm and brings a little excitement and hope into many rather humdrum lives. A lottery achieves this to some degree but does not have the same interest for it omits any element of skill and judgement.
If legal off course betting was permitted, the machinery to effect this on a large scale would take some time to establish. In the light
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 120
[MR WILLIAMS] Motion
of my previous remarks, I would therefore commend for consideration a first step where the Jockey Club could be permitted soon to accept off-course certain multiple bets of the tierce and jackpot type. I am sure this would result in an immediate and dramatic increase in money available for the good of the community as a whole.
From the Sport of Kings I would turn to sports generally, and I am very pleased that you consider that sports should be promoted and, in particular, that you emphasize that standards should be raised.
You rightly point out, Sir, that much has already been done to provide sports facilities in Hong Kong but a great many more are required. Concrete plans are necessary to achieve this end.
And in Hong Kong, where so often the practice of sport has been sacrificed to academic stuty, young people must be encouraged to participate fully.
There is no doubt that the raising of standards and outstanding achievements by the stars gives a tremendous impetus to others to join in. The greatly increased interest in table tennis following the visit of the outstanding players from the People's Republic of China and the rush to buy chess sets following the Fischer-Spassky match are striking examples of this.
To raise standards, top trainers must be brought to Hong Kong and ways found for paying for this. These in turn will train our own trainers so that a skilled training force in all sports can be built up. Participation in international competition must be encouraged and supported but I would warn here that this should not be at a level where our local sportsmen are totally unable to compete unless it is a token participation in a major event to ensure Hong Kong's presence. Lastly, leading athletes should be encouraged to come to Hong Kong and perform here.
As you say, leadership co-ordination and support are needed. The Education Department can direct the sporting activities of young people in schools but there are many young people working who must also be encouraged to take part. I think there is merit in the suggestion, which I understand has been made by the Urban Council, that there should be a Recreation Service.
I referred just now to what has been done by the Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club, who have always taken a great interest in and supported youth activity. If my earlier remarks find favour, I feel sure that the Club could make an increasing contribution in this field.
Sir, I repeat my support for the motion.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 121
MR WU: —Your Excellency, I rise to respond to your speech in this Chamber two weeks ago, and associate myself with my honourable colleagues in congratulating you for the loud acclaim you have won from the community.
To have the last say in a debate has proven to me to be less than a comfortable position, although I had some fear at the outset that having to speak in the wake of wisdom and eloquence of my learned colleagues, I would have difficulty in matching wits for want of new topics and fresh ideas. Alas! I had never expected that this fear would turn out to be near calamity as I had to re write many parts of my address at the last minute to avoid repetition, after I had seen speeches prepared by some of my senior honourable colleagues. Nevertheless, I deem it my pleasant duty and privilege to present my views in support of your proposals.
Speaking of languages, Sir, I would formally propose the provision of studies for translation, long neglected or non-existent in our schools, colleges and universities since the war. With our commitment in bilingualism in official business, with Hong Kong's present development to be the financial, industrial, cultural and diplomatic link between the East and the West, and with so many of our local students already having fair knowledge in both Chinese and English, it would seem to me, and I recommend to our educationalists and students, that this is the best place and time to teach and learn Chinese-English translation so as to develop our students' capability in communication with these two languages that together are used by more than half of the world's population.
It is well-known fact that in the early stages of industrialization the educational requirement for industrial manpower was in the shape of a pyramid. At the top were a few managers, engineers, accountants and salesmen, and other office staff. The base of the pyramid represented very large numbers of repetitive labour power with little or no skill, and for these people education would make no great difference in their work or productivity, as manual dexterity and experience were of far greater importance. Such may be described as the situation in Hong Kong in the 1950's and perhaps even the earlier part of the sixties.
Sir, in a widely read book by a prominent contemporary economist, the points were made that since an industrial system required strong technological orientation and high capital requirements, planning was made imperative and this changed the manpower requirements of a developed industrial society to the shape of a tall urn. It widened out below the top to reflect the need of the technostructure for administrative, co-ordinating and planning talent, for scientists and engineers, for sales executives and salesmen. It widened further to
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 122
[MR WU] Motion
reflect the need for white collar talent before curving in towards the base to reflect the more limited demand for those who were qualified only for muscular and repetitive tasks and who were readily replaced by machines.
Seeing things in this light, and reflecting on the fact that Hong Kong is committed to advanced industrial development along with the increasing sophistication in our rapidly growing service industries such as tourism, banking and finance, insurance, transportation, etc., the wisdom of your plans to expand the capacities of the Universities and particularly the Polytechnic which has technical and commercial studies to its awesome target of 8,000 full time students by 1978, is not without justification.
I hasten, however, to say that industrial training and allied technical education at lower levels are equally important for, as we advance into growing mechanization and sophistication, only a better educated and trained workforce can manage and produce the kind of increased productivity to counteract the competition and adversities we face as outlined in my learned colleague the honourable Wilfred WONG's address. The technical institutes and pre-vocational schools proposed have their definite roles to play. These teach the general basic theories and principles—with some practical demonstration, but the specific fast changing skills can only be acquired by learning, practising and working on the shop floor.
If promoted in the way of properly organized apprenticeship schemes whereby apprentices attend technical institutes in the evening or part-time day release, and gain recognition in the form of a Government endorsed certificate upon completion of a 2 to 4 year contract, this would provide our youths with an "earn as you learn" opportunity to acquire a skill and the industrialists a stable and motivated manpower source that is so much in need these days. It will also end the unnecessary and naive squabble as to who should be providing the training or bearing the costs, in addition to upgrading skills.
This is why we are concerned to see that for more than three years since the ITAC formulated this approach, and notwithstanding prodding by Unofficials, the Industrial Training Division of the Labour Department is still very much understaffed for their work load in this important job of manpower development. There is reason to believe that, with the addition of more competent people, a participation of several thousand apprentices is possible (instead of the present 600 or so) thus contributing significantly to our industrial training.
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 123
I wish also to draw attention to the fact that the ITAC Final Report published early last year was the culmination of industry-wide community involvement in Government planning. Some 20,000 man-hours, with 7,000 from high-level industrial members, have been spent in the collection and research of essential data, in assessing manpower requirements and in deliberation and finalization of job descriptions and minimum standards covering the whole spectrum of industrial activities in Hong Kong over a period of six years from 1965 to 1971. It is an unprecedented achievement and excellent ground-work for planning. Yet in the fast-changing industrial scene its value and usefulness would melt away quickly with time and I therefore share the concern of my honourable colleague Dr CHUNG on the apparent inaction in the implementation of its recommendations which include the setting up of a Hong Kong Training Council.
It is evident that our problem in technical education and vocational training is not money, or school building, but in experienced and qualified teachers. The great majority of the 1,400 required, as Dr CHUNG indicated, have obviously to come from local sources but they are either very few, or non-existent, nor anywhere in sight without an active teaching staff development scheme. Both the ITAC and the Polytechnic Planning Committee had recommended to Government the setting up of Industrial Fellowships whereby young graduates from the universities and the Polytechnic would be helped to spend two years or so in selected industries to acquire practical experience and expertise to become better teachers and professionals. I would propose that Government reconsider the idea and see the necessity of quick action to solve our long-term requirements in this direction.
Sir, by comparison Hong Kong has a very young population with some 50% under 21 years old. Whilst no one owes our budding youths a living, we would be failing in our moral duty not to equip them and to provide them with an opportunity for making a decent living. Having said so much for education and training, I feel that our concern should now focus on the present state of our industrial activities, which provide by far the biggest employment opportunity at present as well as in the foreseeable future. Your Excellency so rightly said “in the final analysis our competitive position in export markets and the rate of investment in our industries must always have priority. It is on these that all depends”.
It is here we find that the apparent prosperity on the surface would not quite cover some hidden defects of our economic system, however successful it has been in the past. Dr CHUNG has pointed out the fast receding growth rates of our domestic exports from 26% in 1968, 25% in 1969, 17% in 1970, 11% in 1971 and 8 or 9% in 1972, which would actually mean shrinkage instead of growth at the present rate of inflation. With growing restriction and protectionism
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 124
[MR WU] Motion
in our export markets for all types of textiles and garments, any significant growth would be limited in this sector that at present provides for some 50% of our domestic products. Our electronics industry is mainly a captive one of foreign concerns and can be moved easily to where there are stability and cheap labour for assembly work. Our plastics, metals and light-engineering industries have little advantage if any in technology or scale over those of our competitors with much lower wage rates and factory rentals. The lack of basic supporting industries and material supply is seen to be another hindrance to our development as the recent price fluctuations in synthetic fibres and plastics pellets (due to manipulations by the supplier country) indicate. I therefore would agree with my honourable Friend John BROWNE's suggestion to support the oil refinery project, if that would include an economical operation for the manufacture of petro-chemical materials such as synthetic fibres and plastics for our local industries to strengthen our bargaining position, such as Taiwan and South Korea now possess.
I also suggest that we promote and expedite the development of the metals and light-engineering industries in order to tap the high volume markets of appliances, automotive parts, and other more advanced technological products. Government would need to assist in the setting up of an industrial park with say 10 to 20 acres of low cost land exclusively for foundries, forges, and other metal processing plants that cannot use multi-storey construction. This concession will have a catalytic effect and would go a long way to provide for the basic support, and to attract more foreign investment thus realizing a true diversification into high technology and capital intensive industries for better productivity of our labour force.
This would ideally go hand in hand, or even precede, the setting up of housing projects in the New Territories to provide for the job opportunities which are unlikely to be as labour intensive as before as these categories of industry are already hardest hit by restrictions or by competition from low-wage countries all over. Roads and, I suggest, ferry transport to the New Territories must be rapidly expanded without delay.
Sir, the present plight of the industrialists, big or small, is best seen first in the frantic stock market today where so much wheeling and dealing is done mainly in the finance and real estate shares to the aggravation of inflation, and contributing little to the production of the material wealth of the community, and secondly by the poor response to the loan for small industry scheme in the face of an adverse investment climate in the manufacturing industry. Indeed, in today's circumstances it calls for a dedicated industrialist to toil for usually meagre profits with big investment on long term commitments
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 125
in comparison to what appears to be easy and quick money in playing the stock market to the detriment of particularly the wage earners whose dollars and savings shrink as a result of accelerated inflation. This, in my own opinion, could culminate in economic disaster and grave social injustice, and I believe Government and those who wield financial powers can and should redress and discourage with means at their disposal, in addition to legislative measures.
One of the evils of the present stock market's prepondrance in real estate shares is the effect on forced up real estate values and the landlord's subsequent demand for steeply increased rents. It may still be argued that free market forces shall prevail, but the present price of $200 (or higher) a square foot to buy (or $2.00 a square foot per month to rent on the basis of this price) for nearly all types of newly completed tenement buildings is becoming prohibitive for overseas executives from a corporation's point of view, and certainly for the local low-income group who would have to pay as much as 50% of their wages for nothing much more than bed-spaces for the family.
Sir, this is why there is such a wide acclaim for your long range plan in public housing. However crowded and inadequate they have now become, the resettlement and low cost housing estates were mainly responsible for the stability of the fifties and sixties under which our industrial development had taken off. Rents have a very direct bearing on wages in industry and commerce. In today's highly competitive markets and with Hong Kong's wages being only lower than Japan in Asia, and higher than most developing countries in the world, the implementation of the plan should rightly command the highest priority.
Dr CHUNG has remarked on the particularly sharp rise in wage increases and costs in the building sector. This of course has been worrying industrialists, if not developers. Research conducted by lecturers in the Hong Kong University has shown that periods of upsurge in construction wages in Hong Kong has a leading effect on manufacturing wages. With so many public works projects, for example massive housing plans and the underground, manufacturers can only brace themselves for another impending onslaught. My personal experience in industry seems to suggest that the present contracting and sub-contracting way of doing work does provide motivation and high efficiency but little incentive in the improvement of methods. A contractor/worker is more interested in fixing an additional picul of reinforcement bars, or pouring an additional cubic yard of concrete, rather than spending time and money trying and experimenting with new methods for doing the work. People in the construction business have told me that they can use a lot more modernization and mechanization in Hong Kong, although in some cases the usually
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 126
[MR WU] Motion
limited space on a building site are not making it easy to do so. Clearly, this is a field where the Public Works Department's architects, civil engineers, equipment makers and contractors can work together on for the benefit of all.
Too often there is the allegation that Hong Kong people, like those in other big cities, are apathetic and indifferent. From what I have seen in recent years I have reservation in the truth of this allegation. Whilst positive response is not always spontaneous—therefore the allegation—good leadership, organization and liaison seldom fail in bringing about a resounding success. The public's exemplary behaviour during the 1967 crises, the usually generous donations in natural calamities and fire disasters, the highly densely populated (by Western standards) but usually clean low cost housing and Housing Authority estates, participation by Unofficials in Councils and in the many consultative and advisory committees, and of course the unexpected growing success of the seemingly impossible "Keep Hong Kong Clean" Campaign, are outstanding examples.
Sir, your well known pragmatic approach and unassuming attitude have given me all the more reason to believe that much more difficult problems can be solved through the involvement of the community.
Following up on what the honourable Wilson WANG has said, two points immediately come to my mind:
First factory fires in our high-rise factories pose a grave threat to human lives and damage to property. A conducted tour with officers of the Fire Services Department has impressed me that some concerted efforts must be taken to remedy the situation and avoid disasters. I now understand that a joint committee has been formed by the two major industrial associations—the Chinese Manufacturers Association and the Federation of Hong Kong Industry—to tackle the matter and it is hoped that the FSD and the insurance companies will participate and contribute advice and expertise in fire prevention, and reduced premium for qualified premises as an encouragement. With this added incentive, and the prosecution of the obstinate (that is the "carrot and stick" approach), improvement is certain to result.
Secondly police and crime. This has been a vexing problem and, as Mr Wilfred WONG said, is not likely to be solved without community involvement. It is important that channels for effective and fruitful consultations be created whereby the assistance of the kaifongs can be enlisted at the neighbourhood or "grass roots" level. I cannot resist the curiosity to ask
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL—2nd November 1972 127
whether the nature of the work of the Police, including its own administration, must demand an incomprehensible degree of top secrecy at the price of stifling feed-back of information on conditions and reaction in the field to the top officers. Yet I believe that more involvement with the community is possible with the assistance of the Secretary for Home Affairs (particularly the CDOs) and the Secretary for Information.
Sir, with these remarks, I give my sincere support to your proposals and the motion before Council.
Motion made. That the debate on the motion be adjourned—THE ATTORNEY GENERAL (MR ROBERTS).
Question put and agreed to.
Adjournment and next sitting
HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT: —In accordance with Standing Orders I now adjourn the Council until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday 15th November.
Adjourned accordingly at twenty-two minutes past four o'clock.
PRINTED BY THE GOVERNMENT PRINTER, HONG KONG