the
wed no hen
of British rer
STATUE
indər thing lijen säge
about a statue of which he was to be the en a statue was to be erected in the and there was no end to the bicker.
paraphrase of the Duke a form, and ponderous, and in so much to look quite in slate of dignified lism, orratliersomnequation, wasstation. ront of the Royal Exchange, Now, & statue placing somewhere, and there is the usual bickering Nor is there any surety that after
HIE FIUEND OF CILINA AND HONGKONG GAZETTI
of work 1herefore,
Jet his friends.
the British
on it, because н lew
ous
of forcing Mr Wyata professioned labour to a pre mium If the statue 13 really a good one, lot it have the best site in London, not that which is nearly the worst that could be devised; if it is bad stall let it not be placed in double conspicuous absur- day Ibid.
THE NEXT SUBJECT AND THE NEXT COVERNMENT.
It of the Metropolis The next subject, let its intrinsic importance be
ng the door to disf
what it may, is the first that shall furnish to the good deal of ill feeling in next Government as opportunity of showing quic Duke of Wellington has inno-kly that they are capable of doing something ree of much dissension in this agreeable to the public opinion and the proximale time ago was in a state of so Ministry are equally ripe for action. What is that? A real Poor law for Ireland Separation of the functions of Lord Chancellor and President of the House of Lords? Abolition of the Lord-Lisa ney of Ireland? Many mure might be ungr with regard to which public opinion is sufficiently ripe to adinit of practical dealing with them by the next Government, if it should be a strong Govern. ment; but the next Governmool will not be a strong Government, and we may well doubt whether those who will compuso the next Government are themselves ripe for dealing practically with any of the questions mentioned. The paths indicated are full of lions for such men as will compose the next Government, supposing Load Grey not to be a member of it. In picking a subject with which Loid John Russell and his probable colleagues will be able to deal promptly and practically, we must choose an easy cne; one offering no serious diffi- cutting either from the public or from the timidity which is the vice of every weak Government; one in which reform (for now-a-days reform is the only mode of handling any subject) may be effected without opposition from poweral interests; and lastly, a subject on which Lord John Russell has made up his mind to a course that public opinion would applaud.
proposed decoration will be really orna- Experience does not strengthen hope in that respect, Statues, equestrian and standing, mul taly in the Metropolia, yet where de there one that is rather a derogation from a good name in te than otherwise? There is Nelean, hoisted must-head high, so that you see nothing but his co- cked hat and his cable; and withieight, at the bot- tom of the mast, ostoad of Nelson, we are to have Iwe specimens of that indigenous quadruped the British lion that allegory on the banks of the Thames. Wo have mentioned the classic Duke at the Royal Exchange. Item, the classic George the Fourth, in Trafalgar Square; who, to look the more classic, rides in his stocking, without stirraps; while, to be the more original, the artist has maile his horse a kind of compromise between the living machine that stends unmoved in the sentry box be fore the Horse Guards, and a good toy-horse with all his feet glued to an oblong board. Item, the pigtail statne in Pall Mall East; put up to de- Domate the Metropolis," but confessedly so little or Jamental, that the hutless George was tacitly pro. nounced unworthy to share the finest site in the world" as a companion to the stockingless Georgo And now that this forthcoming statue of Welling
on, the biggest of all, is made, the concocters are quarrelling about the awkward question, where They shall put it. In Parliament and in print has the point been mooted,
The proposal which has received official shoe- dion is, that it should be placed on the top of the Iriumphal arch at Hyde Park Corner, leading to Constitution Hill William the Fourth and Queen Victoria have coneaded to the subscribers that it shall he there; and Sir Frederick Trench, a leading man in the committee of subscribers, thinks that it would have a very fine effect. It is objected, how- ever, that the statue is so panderous-weighing some thirly tons that it will ring down the arch. Sir Frederick, speaking for the subscribers, pro- mises that the arch shall be strengthened.
then arises the question, whether the statue shall be placed longitudinally or transversely-riding along the arch or nerose it. Across seems to be the position most invoured; but Sir Robert Peel says that it might be very inconvenient to passen- gers under the arch. What does the mysterious Premier mean?-that it will break the arch down, or that the view di sotto in su will be "inconvenient" to decorous eyes? The later objection would ap- ply to either position: however skilfully executed the equine abdomen, the saddle girth and stirrups, and the boot soles of the rider, that is not a field of view suitable to the lovely eyes that might be lifted to the effigy of the hero : it will be necessary to pass the arch with downcast looks. Sir Frederick Trench bas been vigorously defending the plan in the columns of the Times.
* Coucs, he cries, right logically, may talk of there be ing no precedent for placing an uestrian statue aput no arch: [but where ie the precedent for such a carpet, of has distinguished the
glock, from Assays to Walarido, as it is our object to phr.
potuate, ▸ whose banner has waved triumphant in an bundred fields who never advanced but to cover his arms with glory, and who never retreated but to exipue the glory of his ad- vance, and who, from the day that be sheathed his aword, has by his wisdom and judgroest in council almost equalled his chiements in the field ?"
Conquerors usually ride under the triumphal arch, po over it, yet if the Duke of Wellington claims the privilege of going over it in effigy, steeple-chase fashion, the concession will be made ebeerfully. any reason to suppose that he claims But there any such an odd privilege; or, if not, is his glory any pufficient motive for pulling him in an absurd pos. füre 1 ffat were, he might undoubtedly claims still more grotesque positions he might be set straddling pon the shoulders of the Achilles in the Park, or stand on his head on the top of Nelson's cocked hat, with- pur exceeding in absurdity the serious ratio of his gkry. But we cannot admit even the Duke of Well jng on a guity as a sound plea for letting his coun- ferent help to roake the entrance to Leation a triumph
taste
of sculpture confectionary 1010ge cap any one tell bead is to be turned i will control town? Perhaps, if lead of under, it does go. And possibly, Fiondo to rotate, as and horse 20 a would the baller
|
pur
no belief in the existence of su odious & motive; and done according to the views expressed in Parliament
we mention it solely for the purpopose of warning last year during the debates on New Zealand, by Sir Robert Peel, Lord John Russell, Lord Grey, Sir Robert Peel, that he subjects himself to the i Sir James Graham, Mr Ellice, and Mr Charles putation by giving in to the Colonial Office nonst Baller, colonization or the making of fresh marabou wanting to hear from Captain Grey. The kéts kets would receive an impulse in proportion to the
course of the Company, however, is clear. La vast wealth and excessive competition which dist them bring in the requisite bill. They have wisely abstained from reviving their controversy with Lorá inguish this United Kingdom from all the countries in the world And then, whilst the friends of GG Stanley; and the Bentinck party in the House of Commons can hardly blunder to the extent of rak- verminent talked thus, their party opponents must needs echo such opinions; so that by a general ing it all up again by opposing such a bill, Such a bill would doubtless be supported by the Whigs; assen! the work of the next Minister would be made easy, and might be invested with a high do- and, great as is the respect of the Frae-traders"
excellence for Sir Robert Peel-desirous as they are gree of interest and consequence,
to protect him from defeat by any combination of Whigs and Protectionists for any purpose-yut even their commiseration of the harassed Prime Minister has a limit, and they would scarcely like to figure before the country as deliberately sacrificing the suffering and helpless colonists of New Zealated to
Upon the party tactics in Parliament fore, such a bill would in all probabl in spite of opposition from the Ge the Government would no oppose it, 181 probable, unless we are to suppose that the sagacious and prudent Peel wants to retire upon a question in which all the world would think him in the wrong, -Ibid, June 6.
This work of Colonial reform belongs to the next Government. In has slipped through Mr Gladstone's fingers, which seem to have wanted strength to grasp it; and Sir Robert Peel has been otherwise engaged. It falls naturally Lord John Russell, who has got a name for being able to do something in Colonial matters; who has administ ered the present system and proclaims its vices; and who, in effecting a complete change, would: bare the valuable aid of Lord Grey whether in or out of office, as well as that of Me Charles Buller, whom the public regard, what hever his party may think, as the proper owner of this subject.
In anticipation of the interest that will presently attach to this subject, we devoto a Supplement to laying before our renders one case, or rather an se- count of one stage in a case, of Colonial grievance. The documents which we publish describe what the colonists of Now Zealand have suffered for another
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AND THE LORDS.
The Duke of Wellington, if not speculative him. self, is often the cause of much speculation in others. The Duke's genius is essentially practical: the generalizing and imaginative principles scar- cely appear to have a place in his compusition. The instinctive tact with which he sees most things ag they actually are, and the wide grasp and power of understanding with which he combines movements, thongh generally regarded as inferior faculties to the other two, are in him so extraordinarily deve- loped, that from their colossal proportions they ren der the prose of human character for once muro impressive than its poetry The Dhake's opinions are mostly true as far as they go; and the pitty manner in which they are expressed carries con- viction bone to the minds of the hearers, les- physicians and tagiuntivo persuing struggle in vain to resist him the former feel that the Duke is api to give to individual truths a tog generalized ex. pression, the latter, that his common sense deals too rudely with theit favourite associations, The Duke, for example, though an aristocrat by habit, hug none of that dreamy veneration for the aristo- cracy which has ita source in a pooltoal tempera- men, lenne, his practical apophthegins frequently provoke long protesis agminat short speeches which terminato controversies or revolutionize a nation's
policy
and how the Colonial Office has passed an- year, other year without taking a single step to correct its own previous errors and neglect The whole case is a curiosity. A petition from the colonists sets forth proceedings on the part of the Local Government, of which it is enough to say here, that a system under which such things could happen is condemned with out further hearing. Perhaps the things did not happen: the story of them may have been invented to worry the Colonial Office ? And yet the gende- men in Downing Street take no more notice of this seeming caricature of the worst misgovernment that one's imagination can readily conceive, than if itd. Now there happens to be a subject of practical been a letter about coals and candles for the Office. reform with regard in which public opinion is, so This hardly credible tale of wrong excites in the to speak, all on one side. There is no controversy no surprise, no indignation, no uneasiness:
they treat about it. Every public man who mentions it ex- it as just the sort of thing they are used to--as some- presses the same views as his neighbour in greething which bores them a little perhaps, and which bert Peel and Lord John Russell exactly agree will soonest cease to bore them at all the less they upon it. There is not a shade of difference upon.
Bay about it. They have nothing to say, therefore, it between Sir James Graham and the Times.
even to the extent of a ward of sympathy or regret, Lord Grey and the Mandard come to the same Their correspondence with the New Zealand Com- concisions. An article about it written for the
pany, which is the advocate of the colonists and Elburgh might appent in the Quarterly, or vice
pleals hard for a total change of system, discloses no versa, 88 a matter of course. The interests" are
feeling, but some annoyance at being troubled at pre- all in favour of the change; and some of the most
sent, and a determination to cast all responsibility powertal of them, including the men to whose ex- for the future, as regards opinions and suggestions ertions we are chiefly indebted fox free trade, would
as well as acts, upon a Captain Grey who has been earnestly promote it as soon as they perceived its appointed to succeed Captain Fitzroy as Governor of close relationship to the great change which they the colony. The sense of annoyance at being trou- have just accomplished. Who then would oppose hled seems to have been thoroughly imbibed by Sir it? In unming them we name the subject. The Robeet Peel; whose answer to the Company's mer change would be opposed by the permanent bar morial really says, "I have more than enough an courtney of the Colonial Office, to whom Parlia- my hands already, and can't be tenzed with a matter ment has delegated an absolute authority in all like this." The style of the Colonial Office, letters mailers relating to colonization and coal go is the old style of much words and litle meaning. vernment. For it would consist of a reform of our
apparently exaggerated or burlesqued by Lord Lyt. whole Colonial system, beginning with tile Office selton, by direction of Mr Secretary Gladstone itself, which stands in the way of every mprove Sheets upon sheets of good paper are wasted in say mcat. But this resistance would be of no avail. ing. and repeating, and reiterating, in substance, that The Colonial Office, notwithstanding its limited the Government can say nothing till it learns what sway in all things relating to s own branch of Captain Grey has to any about everything. The government, has no filende any where, and no po-procendings at the Company's annual meeting held wer of resistance to opinion in this country, where last week suggest two observations. In the first it is necessarily unheeded and almost unknoso save place, the ruin and dissolution of such a body as the by faint reflection from those distant portions of the colonizing New Zealand Company by the direct apology empire in which its mismanagement is felt. The and obvious agency of the Colonial Office, upon official gentlemen at the bottom of Downing Street whom this "valuable coadjutor" was forced by might grumble and make wry faces during the Lord John Russell, some five years ago, is a fact operation, but they might not; they might, on which, if it stood alone, would call for reform in the the contrary, and probably would, smile and de- great house at the bottom of Downing Street: second- clare their satisfaction at the prospect of relief from fy, at this meeting, Mr Charles Buller made a speech a load of odious responsibility and excessive labour, which must preclude him from taking office under At all events, their opposition would be so feeble the next Government except as a practical reformer as to be scarcely an exception from the rule of apof Colonial government, and from which, if he should proval; and it deserves notice for no other purpose but that of observing that the coming reform would appent more important if it were likely to meet Parliament, or the reform of our commercial system, with some formidable opposition. The reform of would have excited but little interest and been deemed a change of no great moment, if all the world had been of the same opinion about it.
not be in office under the next Government, the po blie will understand that the said next Government does not mean to realize the declarations of the pre- the position with regard to Colony for the sent reform. Mr Colonini interests against the Colonial Office. We give that part of his speech entire
Bat over and above considerations which relate to Bal though the question of Colonial reforme the future, this New Zealand case has a bearing on wants the interest arising from controversy and the present state of parties, which should give an the conflicts of party, its real importance will be interest to our Suppliment for many who usually ack-owledged as soon as the proposal of chinage to our bul questions. The imne shall be made by of the Minister will be desirous of showing that ment to obtain from ParliaMent sufficient authority a Government. The partisana diate object of the Company is to induce the Govern colonial governinent comprizes colonization; that for taking steps calculated to save the colony fron free trade has given us no more than the markets destruction; so that another year may not intervene which exist already; that the pressure of compet before the attempt at least be made to remedy the past ition, which was reasly at the bottom of the national and provide for the futurs till the next meeting of effort to obtain free trade, would be further relieved Parliament. Such authority is required, because that the want of more room for the employment Parliament has delegated all authority relating to the of British capital and labour would be further sup colony to the Governor and Council, and thus ren plied--by adding to the markets which exist as dered the Crown powerless save by means of send many as we could create in the Colonies that the ing instructions to the Governor; a mode of legiela- greatest and most valuable of present markets was tion in which nobody who has any acquaintance created by colonization, that the old Colonies of with it has the slightest confidence The Company England have been valuable to the Mother-country in fact ask Sir Robert Peel to take power to carry nol sa depandencjes but as markets, and that they his own declarations into effect, or if he should not were founded, not to pasily añora of the perent ben office during the recess of Parliament, toconus stale, but at the expanse of individuals by means of a system of government which rendered the cof resouble request is refused. The excuse about his successor to carry them into effect. This ones attractive by gings play to enterprise and wanting to learn what Captain Grey thinks on the ambition and making property secure; that the subject, may be deemed a mere Colonial Office shuf. old-English system was abandoned when we began fe The Company saya trily that there must be to colonize with convicts towards the close of the other reasons, last century that fun the local self-goverment un quainted
wroch it has not been made ac. reason be lar ladstone & sense der representat Inaltations, which till then had of the sm
important questione I'm Parlament.
ble his
ave subs wa
Can
We have
The Duke's 1st offence in this way is his defi- nition, at the close of the debate on the second read- ing of the Corn Bill of what the House of Lorda cannot do and ought not to attempt. He assumed that public opinion had pronounced for the hill in a manner that rendered further debate on its morit sheer waste of time. He generalized the shirt and warned the Lords, that if they placed themsel ven in opposition to both Crown and Commons they attempted to lead alone they would assome "a position in which they ought pot, and could not stand, as they would be power- less." The opinion is not quite new but, coming From the Duke of Wellington, whose words are facils, 18 believed by many who were before in- credulons. It has consequently provoked angry remonstravice from those whose associations with the aristocracy have been disturbed by it, and un candid comment from others who have to such
After all what has the Duke said That the House of Lords connol act in opposition to the cUD- victions of the whole community. This is true not
only of the Lords of the British Parliament, but of all human powers. The Sultan of Constantinople cannot act in opposition to the auversal opinion of his subjects on mung points the Uloma of Cong fantinople are stronger than the Despot. The mast absolute sovereigns must work by human instra ments; their agents are members of society, and all of them to some extent controlled by its opinion; there are principles and prejudices in every society and self-willed roler, no Government is possible which are of force to counteract the most powerful
where there is not a large amount of identical opi- nion in common between the governors and the governed. This is all in the Duke of Wellington said of the House of Lords. When the Lords de fer to public opinion in their capacity of legislators, they do not yield servile obedience to an external power, they are
are themselves
and no unine- portant part of that public opinion to which they givo way. Every Peer has two sets of functions the one is, as a private member of society, to whose opinions hus birth, property, and personal qualities give weight, to contribute to the formation of public
opinion the other is as a member of the Legisla ture to enact the best laws which the public opinion be has been instrumentet in farming will tolerate There is more of the appearance of power in the Peer a member of the Legislature in his own right; there is more of the reality in the Peer influencing the wills and opinions of those whose who como in contact with him in the business of private life. Some who cry out against the Peers for not being independent enough to reject pose to mend the matter by making the House of Corn Bill, pros
tiousaristocracy; the real aristocracy consist of the Lords elective. The Peers, they say, are a facti
landed gentry, the dignified clergy, and obers whose professions! rank or wealth enables them to associate habitually with these classes. The House of Lords, they add, ought to represent this body; its members mught to elect the Fears Bol would not this be to render the Peers dependent or a ciam – che pervile lustruments of a class- instead of being what they are alvoresent possessed of
and controlled only be the on of the baireral community, of which their
nt
Webspoct the most nge would be to og fures of clean legislation.
Printed and Péblished on Joux Card, The Friend · China and Hongkong
Printing Office, Goven STREET, Уістові, Полоколо, 1846,