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mainland China). It could also cause unease in Hong Kong; as 1997 approaches sensitivity to anything which could be interpreted as involving third parties in Hong Kong's future will increase. This option would be better not used while hope of dialogue with China remains; it could be kept in reserve in case relations with China deteriorate further and brought into play at that point.
17. We would seek recourse to the UN before 1997 only if we faced a crisis with China reneging on the JD. Initiating debate on Hong Kong in the UN would run the risk that some countries would seek to reopen the self determination issue. This might trigger an early Chinese takeover (we do not think, on present assessment, that Chinese reaction to the other options mentioned would lead to a Chinese attempt to take over Hong Kong by force). However, we might well wish to look again at the UN option post 1997. We may then need to increase our profile at the UN in the
interests of checking implementation of the JD.
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