t
23
comparison to their
common interest in effecting a smooth
transition of sovereignty. Moreover the possible diversity of
interests did not explain the perceptual differences highlighted
above and still less did they explain the underlying divergences
as they emerged after Governor Patten announced his proposals in
October 1992.
The Problem of the Structure of the Negotiations
The absence of any kind of formal representation by the
people of Hong Kong in the Sino-British negotiations over the
arrangements for the future may be said to be not only flawed
from the moral point of view, but from the practical standpoint
as well. 16 Since the Joint declaration of 1984 the people of
Hong Kong have developed a number of political voices and have
begun to establish the beginnings of a political system as part
of getting prepared for exercising autonomy under Chinese
sovereignty. As a new breed of politicians have come to the fore
they have had to learn afresh about building democratic parties
that can have coherent programmes and provide organisational
frameworks that can link voters and grass roots associations with
representatives in the Legislative Council. Like politicians
16 It is true that beginning with the governorship of the late Sir Edward Youde the Hong Kong Executive Council (made up of senior officials and his local nominees who are subject to the Official Secrets Act) that has an advisory role was made privy to all the FCO cables about the negotiations with China. Apparently it approves all the agreements in the JLG. representative quality of the members may be questioned especially as they would have been unable to discuss the appropriate issues more widely in Hong Kong.