THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE
xxix
United Kingdom to settle at any time when they wish to do so (paragraph 4.22). We believe that the British Government has an obligation to provide proper citizenship (ie British citizenship) to non-ethnic Chinese BDTCs which it has co-operated in consigning otherwise to a second class citizenship. (paragraph 4.23). We recommend that periods of study in the UK for recognised qualifications at tertiary level or above by Hong Kong BDTCs should count towards the residency requirement for British citizenship. (paragraph 4.24).
(xxvii) In common with other countries, Britain should endeavour to maintain relations with the People's Republic. It is important to the world and vital to Hong Kong that China continues its economic reforms and closer relationship with the West. Political progress will hopefully follow and in the meanwhile the West should never forget its horror at what happened in Tiananmen Square or hesitate at any appropriate time to take a robust line with China over that and also the question of human rights generally. (paragraph 4.25) (xxviii) In the end the responsibility for presenting the British Government's role in implementing the Joint Declaration falls upon British Foreign Office ministers. We believe that they must make every effort to present British views and policies vigorously to Hong Kong, to listen to the views of Hong Kong people, and to take account of those views. (paragraph 4.29)
(xxix) We believe a decision on a site for the future British Consulate-General is long
overdue. (paragraph 4.31)
(xxx) We recommend that as the British garrison in Hong Kong transfers its public order duties to the Royal Hong Kong Police, it should make appropriate arrangements to vacate HMS Tamar, with a view to making part of it the site of the British Trade Commission to 1997 and the British Consulate-General thereafter. (paragraph 4.32)
V Vietnamese Boat People
(xxxi) Faced with a declining level of acceptances by resettlement countries and a suddenly and massively increasing population of boat people, we believe that the Hong Kong Government had no alternative but to introduce a screening policy. (paragraph 5.2) (xxxii) We accept that the logical consequence of a screening programme is the repatriation of those who have been screened out. We believe that, in the absence of significant levels of voluntary repatriation, however regrettable it may be, there is no alternative to the mandatory repatriation of those who are screened out. We note that these people are fleeing not from persecution but from extreme poverty and that over 50 per cent of them are under the age of 20 years. This calls for special ways in dealing with these young people and if as a last resort, they must return to Vietnam, the authorities dealing with them must act in a humane way and ensure that they are adequately provided for. Assistance should also be given to allow them to settle down in Vietnam. (paragraph 5.4)
(xxxiii) We recommend that at the very least the British Government should make it absolu- tely clear to the United States Government that while the latter remains "unalterably opposed to the forced repatriation of Vietnamese asylum-seekers" it must accept the responsibility either for their resettlement, of for their accommodation pending voluntary repatriation. (paragraph 5.6)
(xxxiv) Britain must take vigorous steps to secure a much more positive and responsible approach by Beijing to the problem of Vietnamese refugess. (paragraph 5.8)
'Mr Lawrence Eagleburger, Deputy Secretary of State speaking at the Geneva Conference.