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SECOND REPORT FROM
from its sovereign power after 1997. Hand-in-hand with this ambition went the thesis that Hong Kong people were more British than Chinese. As one expatriate police inspector argued
to us:
"They have studied English as a second language and have had the English language rammed down their throats in the form of road-signs, public announcements, official documents and so on. While they cannot, as a result, be uncomplicatedly thought of as 'naturalised' British in habit, nor can they any more easily be understood as Mainland Chinese. Their own comprehension of themselves with regard to the above has yet to be tested."
3.3. It may be that current events in China are providing that test. The demonstrations in Hong Kong have not been in favour of a stronger Basic Law, or re-negotiating the Joint Declaration, but have principally been in support of the Chinese students in Beijing and in anger and outrage at the actions of the Chinese Government and the People's Liberation Army. Despite the understandable concerns of the people of Hong Kong about the recent events in the PRC we are in no doubt that their best future lies in Hong Kong and therefore that the best guarantees for that future are the continuing economic success of the Territory and strong and stable democratic institutions.
Administration to 1997
3.4 It is most important that in the day to day administration of Hong Kong prior to 1997 the Hong Kong Government is seen to be governing Hong Kong in accordance with the wishes and interests of the Hong Kong people and not in response to the perceived wishes of the Beijing Government or even of the British Government. We were told that in the past there has sometimes been a perception that that seemed not to be the case. A particular example, and one which was frequently mentioned to us, was the 1987 review of the development of representative government which culminated in the 1988 White Paper. We do not believe that there is anything to be gained from a detailed re-examination of these events, but the mistrust of the Hong Kong Government which was caused among a significant proportion of Hong Kong people during that time persists and should not be underestimated.
3.5. During our evidence session on 12 June with Sir David Wilson we asked whether he still believed in "mirror-imaging" the arrangements established in Hong Kong before 1997 with what was expected to be provided in the Basic Law. In March, Sir David had told us that “mirror-imaging” had the objective of providing the continuity of the legislature through 1997 which demanded that "whatever is the percentage of direct elections laid down in the Basic Law [would be the percentage] in our final election under British administration."2 We were disappointed that he still argued in June that, particularly with regard to developing representative government, "people in Hong Kong will also be looking at the question of how they can be sure... what they are trying to set up goes on after 1997."3 We fully recognise the importance of carrying China with the developments instituted in Hong Kong, but we do not see the situation in this way. We believe that this approach can be damaging to confidence in Hong Kong. The Hong Kong Government remains responsible for the administration of Hong Kong to 30 June 1997. It must carry out that duty in accordance with the needs and demands of Hong Kong itself, particularly now that negotiations with the Chinese have been so disrupted. Although there is a risk that the Chinese Government will be unwilling to accept the consequent developments in Hong Kong, at the worst, by refusing to incorporate them in the Basic Law, we believe that far greater are the risks to confidence and stability associated with appearing to wait upon Chinese approval before taking action in Hong Kong prior to 1997. Indeed we believe that the Hong Kong Government must take this opportunity to seize the initiative so as to establish in Hong Kong in advance of 1997 the institutions and systems best designed to guarantee Hong Kong's future autonomy and stability within the terms of the Joint Declar- ation.
3.6. We referred earlier to the transport and communications projects, some planned, others already under construction, between Hong Kong and Guangdong Province which will encourage closer economic ties with the People's Republic. Within Hong Kong itself a new cross-harbour Mass Transit Railway Tunnel is planned to open this autumn, and a decision
' Appendix 12.
'Q 116.
'Q 927.