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on the important
in the Legislative Council and more widely issues at stake. It gives a full account of what our talks
with China have been about, why agreement has not been possible, and how we now intend to proceed.
The
Arrangements for the last cycle of elections in Hong Kong
under British sovereignty cannot be considered in isolation.
They form part of a long process of gradual development in
Hong Kong's system of representative government.
Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, and China's Basic Law
for Hong Kong which will come into force on 1 July 1997,
between them set the pace for democratic development in Hong Kong so there is no argument about that. They also establish that Hong Kong will retain its own, capitalist way of life
after 1997, under the principles of "one country, two systems" and "Hong Kong run by Hong Kong people".
V
The wishes of the people of Hong Kong are
crucial, faetor.
There has been a steadily growing demand, given added impetus < by the events in Tiananmen Square in 1989 for Hong Kong people
to have more say in the running of their own affairs. The
first part of this White Paper summarises these developments.
It also addresses a question I am often asked:
why did
Britain not introduce democracy to Hong Kong much earlier?
They short answer is that for many years the community had other priorities, that there was a deep-seated concern that the introduction of politics could lead to open clashes
between nationalists and communists, and that this could lead China to invoke its claim to sovereignty over Hong Kong.
Her
Majesty's Government, and through them the Governor, were of
course accountable to Parliament for the administration of the
territory throughout this period.
A gradual development of democracy has however been under way
since 1984. The question which confronted the new Governor of
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