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or for many years thereafter-would have sensed a essure for democratic institutions. Everybody knew that Hong Kong was in a unique position.
That has changed, however. It has changed since 1989 in particular, but it had begun to change before that. We are therefore responding, as the colonial power, to a change in the feeling and wishes of people in Hong Kong. That feeling and those wishes are now part of the character of Hong Kong, which has to be respected, and is respected, under the Joint Declaration and, indeed, the Basic Law.
Mr. David Harris (St. Ives): May I revert to the question posed by the hon. Member for Copeland, who spoke for the Opposition, about what has gone wrong? When members of the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs visited Beijing a few weeks ago, we unfortunately found a mood of complete intransigence on these issues. I suggest that that is what has gone wrong.
Does my right hon. Friend share my view that it is important that the House should have an early opportunity to express in a formal way what I believe is our overwhelming support for the Governor of Hong Kong --particularly in the light of what I fear are considerable attempts among some business men to undermine his position in Hong Kong itself?
Mr. Hurd: I note my hon. Friend's point, and will draw it to the attention of the House authorities; it may be a matter for the usual channels.
May I also say in passing that I hope that the Select Committee will not include among its recommendations the use of the word “Beijing”. I know that it is a matter of personal taste, but I do not talk about “Roma”, Bruxelles" or “Moskva”, and I do not see any reason to abandon a perfectly reputable English word for a very distinguished Chinese city.
Mr. Harry Barnes (Derbyshire, North-East): Is not the beauty of democracy the fact that it is open-ended and can encompass moves to the left or the right in different circumstances? Does the Foreign Secretary agree that democracy in Hong Kong should not be regarded as a defence of capitalist arrangements, as those arrangements have often been defended by methods that are far from democratic?
Mr. Hurd: I think that even the hon. Gentleman would agree that, in most societies, there is a link—although not an absolute link-between the free market and free political institutions. What has happened is that, after many years of practising with unique success the principles of the free market, Hong Kong has in recent years developed an appetite-a pressure-for free political institutions.
Mr. Peter Luff (Worcester): Is my right hon. Friend aware that, during my recent visit to Hong Kong, I encountered precisely that growing confidence and self-assertiveness of which he spoke, and also a great groundswell of support for the Governor's general approach to all the affairs of the colony, and specifically to democracy for the colony? Does my right hon. Friend not think that one of the most effective ways in which Peking could demonstrate that it has the best interests of Hong Kong at heart is to enable more rapid progress to be made with the negotiations surrounding the work of the Joint Liaison Group?
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Mr. Hurd: In addition to the constitutional talks that I have described to the House, there is, as my hon. Friend says, the work of the Joint Liaison Group and the airport committee. The JLG is trying to carry through a whole series of changes, many of them completely technical and legal-legalistic, even-to enable the law of Hong Kong to pass without difficulty into the period following the change of sovereignty. It is important for things such as air services out of Hong Kong, that that technical legal work should continue, and, indeed, accelerate.
Mr. David Winnick (Walsall, North): Although I have only contempt for the manner in which China treats its citizens-the complete denial of all democratic rights-is the Secretary of State aware that we should be careful not to adopt a "holier than thou" attitude, and that some sort of apology is due to the people of Hong Kong, because previous Governments, including this Government in the past 14 years, did not take steps to establish the form of democracy that we are now talking about, and are right to talk about? If those democratic steps had been taken in the past, China would have little to criticise.
Mr. Hurd: I do not agree with the hon. Gentleman. I have dealt with that point twice already. It is not historically correct.
Dr. Robert Spink (Castle Point): Will my right hon. Friend acknowledge the understandable concerns of the business community in Hong Kong? Notwithstanding that, does he agree that we should give priority to protecting those institutions that have made Hong Kong special, and in particular to the rule of law?
Mr. Hurd: It is right that someone in these exchanges should mention the anxieties of the business community, and my hon. Friend is quite right to do so. He is right also to put it in context and draw the conclusion that he has.
Mr. Ian Taylor (Esher): My right hon. Friend reminded the House, through his liking for the word "Peking", that he was once based there. He knows that the Chinese will not respect us if we do not fulfil our commitments under the agreements with China to hand over in 1997 with still strong economic and social stability. It must be the Government's judgment, with the Governor, how that can best be fulfilled. The previous Foreign Affairs Select Committee, of which I was a member, wanted us to go faster on democracy so that the Governor's current proposals should have the full and whole-hearted support of the House, and the Chinese should understand why.
Mr. Hurd: My hon. Friend is right in his history, and I agree with his latter point.
Mr. Nigel Waterson (Eastbourne): Does my right hon. Friend think that it is a question of the Chinese not understanding, or not wanting to understand, that greater democracy is an essential guarantee of the British legacy to the Chinese after 1997, particularly the rule of law, the efficient and relatively corruption-free administration, and the free enterprise system that prevails in that colony?
Mr. Hurd: I agree with my hon. Friend. In trying to answer the questions that have come from many parts of the House about the reasons for the Chinese attitude, in fairness one must say that they feel a good deal of suspicion that, with its institutions, Hong Kong could