31
Hong Kong
15 MARCH 1993
Hong Kong
32
[Mr. Iain Duncan-Smith]
authorities will come to the table further to discuss them. Does my right hon. Friend agree that two other elements are part and parcel of bringing those authorities to the table? One is the attitude of Taiwan to their behaviour over the proposals; the second is the attitude of the United States Government to the special trading relationship with China. Will my right hon. Friend explain in a little more detail what he thinks of those two attitudes?
Mr. Hurd: I do not think I want to comment on the Taiwan dimension. Hong Kong is increasingly, as my hon. Friend knows, the funnel through which China's trade passes to the west, to the great benefit of both Hong Kong and China, so it is certainly in the interests of Hong Kong that the most-favoured-nation arrangements should be renewed.
Mr. Dennis Skinner (Bolsover): Will the Foreign Secretary admit that it is a bit late in the day to come here with all this diplomatic waffle, given that the decision was made in 1984 by the Tory Government of which he was a member? Why did they not deal with the fine print then instead of allowing matters to reach this stage, when China is holding every ace?
There would perhaps be a little more credibility in the opt-out clause that the right hon. Gentleman is talking about were it not for the fact that those in China may ask who this Tory Government are to be talking about democracy when they do not allow a referendum in Britain.
Mr. Hurd: I think that I have already answered the points in the hon. Gentleman's question—
Mr. Skinner: Not that one.
Mr. Hurd: those parts of the question that are relevant.
Mr. Ian Taylor (Esher): Will my right hon. Friend reassure the Chinese that this House has never urged an increase in democracy in Hong Kong in an irresponsible way? Indeed, the Foreign Affairs Select Committee report specifically rejected the views of the right hon. Member for Manchester, Gorton (Mr. Kaufman). What the House wants is a sensible, structured approach both to democracy and to judicial matters which will enable this country to maintain its other commitment in the joint declaration to economic and social stability in Hong Kong. It is therefore in China's interest and in the interests of the people of Hong Kong that we proceed as the Governor has suggested.
Mr. Hurd: My hon. Friend is right. The more people can impress that point in the sort of terms that he has used, the better.
Mr. Mike Gapes (Ilford, South): What plans does the Foreign Secretary have to deal with what seems to be the continuing Chinese intransigence over and opposition to democracy? What steps will he take to get the support of the European Community, the United Nations and other international bodies for democratic change and stability in Hong Kong? Contrary to the weasel words of some Conservative Members, will he make it absolutely clear
that there is no question of going back on democracy or on the moves towards it, both for Hong Kong and, in the long term, for China itself?
Mr. Hurd: The views of the House on this matter are fairly clear. It is the responsibility of the British. Government, between now and 30 June 1997, to take whatever decisions for the administration of Hong Kong we think are in the interests of Hong Kong. That is laid down in the joint declaration and agreement of 1984, and that agreement we will discharge. We want to do that, to the greatest feasible extent, in co-operation with China -for the reasons that I have stated-but the responsibility until that time is ours.
Mr. John Marshall (Hendon, South): Does my right hon. Friend agree that it is in China's interests that the traditional economy and character of Hong Kong be maintained? Does he also agree that if China breaks her word to Hong Kong the whole world will not trust China. and the inward investment for which she yearns will not take place?
Mr. Hurd: There are many considerations in the mind of the Chinese Government. I do not think that we need to make those points to them. They can see the world; they know what is being said and done; they know the realities. I hope that the principal reality will gradually be borne in on them-that it is in their interests, as well as forming part of their commitments, that Hong Kong should make steady progress towards fuller democracy.
Mr. D. N. Campbell-Savours (Workington): The House will accept the laudable objectives that the Government have set with regard to the future organisation of Hong Kong and its relationship with China. Is not the Foreign Secretary sensitive to the Chinese leadership's criticism that Mr. Patten might have gone about those matters in a different way in the autumn of last year? Could he not have been more sensitive in the discussions, and perhaps not have held them in such an open forum-that is to say, in the international press? If he had adopted such a process, might we not have been in a far healthier position in terms of the potential for discussions to resolve the present difficulties?
Mr. Hurd: I do not know how the hon. Member can sustain that. No journalists were present when I gave the plans to the Chinese Foreign Minister on 25 November last year, and I made no statement. I made no effort to score points. I gave the plans to the Chinese in confidence so that they had an opportunity to comment in the weeks that followed, before the Governor announced the proposals. They refused to take that opportunity. I do not think that it would be reasonable to expect that the Governor should hold up publication of the proposals in October or their gazetting on 12 March this year indefinitely or until the Chinese agreed. Those are not reasonable proposals for the House or for Hong Kong.
Before publication of the proposals, we gave the Chinese an opportunity, and we offered them another between publication last October and gazetting in March. Neither of those opportunities was taken. A third opportunity exists now, when the proposals are gazetted but the Legislative Council has not started discussions, let alone taken any decisions. We are not pillorying anyone.
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