with a significant degree of agreement and with as high a
measure of protection for the territory as could
realistically be expected.
Looking back, I do not believe that British policy
in the years covered by this story, that is from 1979 to
1992, can be seriously faulted. Of course, it would have
been better if, with Peking's agreement, democracy could
have been long rooted in Hong Kong. It might have assuaged
some guilt, though it would have created many new problems,
if the right to settle in Britain had survived. But already
we are moving into the world of wish fulfilment. In the
situation inherited by the negotiators, both in Hong Kong
and China, I do not think much more could have been
done.
Nor am I despondent about Hong Kong's future.
think a high degree of autonomy will be retained and that
China will not dishonour the undertakings of the Joint
Declaration. I think its people will, as ever, respond
effectively to the new challenges and that the city state
will prosper in an
increasingly prosperous mainland
environment. Against the huge fact of that prosperity the
current constitutional disputes should dwindle in
importance. Unless some very foolish decisions are taken,
the territory's history should be
congratulation, not reproach.
matter
for
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