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of the wording in the agreed final document has turned out to be

somewhat embarrassing to the Chinese even though the general

structure of the Joint Declaration reflects their original

negotiating position. Thus China's spokesmen hardly ever refer

to the commitment to retain "unchanged" the "life-style" of Hong

Kong, but they repeatedly proclaim the necessity of upholding

"stability and prosperity". Similarly, since the differences

about Tiananmen negotiations in the Joint Liaison Group have made

little or no progress. A whole series of technical, but important

matters are being held-up without decision and, already, there

is a sense on the British side that the accumulating stock pile

is so great that once the obstacle is cleared decisions will have

to be made under great pressure because of the shortage of time.

Conclusions

Having drawn attention to some important problems inherent

in the Sino-British negotiations it may be helpful to summarise

by looking ahead to what may be seen as the principal

difficulties that lie ahead in the transition to July 1st 1997.

As suggested above, the talks have been dogged by distrust and

difficulties in the contrast between the negotiating styles of

the two sides and that is unlikely to change. The fact that the

negotiations in the remaining years of the transitionary period

will take place against a backcloth of the uncertainties of the

political succession to Deng Xiaoping and his generation amid

fears of the possible collapse of the Communist system will

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