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which are part of the same sequence) it will be necessary to draw the discussions to a close by next spring by the latest; and that if agreement has not been reached by then, we shall need to make our own dispositions and face the possibility of a change in 1997. If this was the outcome, while they would no doubt take a very hostile position in public, the Chinese woudl probably wait to see how LegCo operated in practice between 1995 and 1997 before deciding on their final strategy.
The
I plan to give the Chinese Foreign Minister a broad outline of the proposals when I see him in New York on 25 September. Governor will be going to Peking shortly after his LegCo address in order to explain his ideas in person to the Chinese leadership. There could then be several months of difficult discussions accompanied by a Chinese propaganda offensive. That might further delay agreement on the airport, although Chinese efforts to link the airport to political developments have not gone down well in Hong Kong, and there are recent signs that they may be re-thinking their approach. So we may still be able to get the airport agreed while discussing the constitutional points with China.
My conclusion is that the Governor's proposals represent a skilful balance in the face of conflicting pressures. I consider that they provide a robust basis on which to press ahead with democratic development in Hong Kong in a way which does not cut across the Basic Law. I support his approach.
I believe (subject to your views) that we do not need a meeting of OPD (K) to consider these issues. If there was to
be a meeting, I know that the Governor would feel that he had to attend. This would put him in a very difficult position in relation to his existing Exco since his visit would cause immense public speculation but he would not be able to inform them in advance (as is customary) of the proposals he would be
hankoncondev, Con.be
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