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MDHIAN 20、
(E) WHILST A SMOOTH TRANSITION IS IMPORTANT, WE SHOULD NOT AIM TO ACHIEVE IT AT ANY PRICE. CERTAINLY HK SHOULD NOT BACK DOWN FROM ITS QUEST FOR MORE DEMOCRACY SIMPLY BECAUSE THE CHINESE LEADERSHIP HAS EXPRESSED DISPLEASURE.
(F) THE BL PROVISIONS ON POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT ARE AGAINST THE WISHES OF THE HK PEOPLE. THEY HAVE NEVER BEEN ACCEPTED BY THE LIBERAL CAMP.
3. NGAI SHIU-KIT'S AMENDMENT MOTION (PARA 2 OF TUR) HAD THE SUPPORT OF ALL CRC AND PRO-CHINA MEMBERS, AND ALSO FOUR INDEPENDENTS. THEY CRITICISED THE LIBERALS AS QUOTE POLITICAL OPPORTUNISTS UNQUOTE. THEIR MAIN ARGUMENTS ARE:
(A) THE OMELCO CONSENSUS MODEL WAS PRODUCED AT A TIME WHEN THE BL WAS STILL BEING DRAFTED, IN THE HOPE THAT IT WOULD BE INCORPORATED IN THE BL. NOW THAT THE BL HAS BEEN PROMULGATED, WE SHOULD NOT ATTEMPT TO RESURRECT THAT MODEL. THE PROVISIONS IN THE BL REGARDING POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT ARE THE PRODUCT OF A VERY LENGTHY DEMOCRATIC CONSULTATION PROCESS. WE SHOULD THEREFORE
RESPECT AND ABIDE BY THEM.
(B) IF WE SEEK TO AMEND ONE ASPECT OF THE BL, IT WILL PROMPT DEMANDS TO AMEND OTHER ASPECTS OF THE BL. THIS WOULD BE LIKE OPENING A PANDORA BOX AND WOULD SERIOUSLY UNDERMINE THE
AUTHORITY OF THE BL EVEN BEFORE IT COMES INTO FORCE.
(C) CONVERGENCE AND A SMOOTH TRANSITION ARE OF OVER-RIDING IMPORTANCE. THE CHINESE HAVE ALREADY MADE IT VERY CLEAR THAT THE BL CANNOT BE AMENDED BEFORE 1997. IF WE ARE TO TAKE UNILATERAL ACTION AND INCREASE THE NUMBER OF DIRECTLY ELECTED SEATS IN 1995, HK'S STABILITY WILL BE PUT AT GREAT RISK. UK SHOULD END ITS
DISPUTE WITH CHINA ON DEMOCRATISATION AS EARLY AS POSSIBLE.
(D) HK NEEDS TO ESTABLISH MUTUAL TRUST AND CONFIDENCE WITH CHINA. OTHERWISE, IT IS HK PEOPLE WHO WILLS SUFFER MOST AT THE END. WE MUST THEREFORE ALL FACE UP TO THE POLITICAL REALITIES.
(E) THERE IS NO DISPUTE THAT HK SHOULD HAVE MORE DEMOCRACY. THE QUESTION IS THE PACE OF DEMOCRATISATION. MORE DIRECTLY ELECTED SEATS IS NOT THE ONLY MEANS TO ENSURE AN EFFECTIVE SYSTEM OF CHECKS AND BALANCES.
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