I have already confirmed to you that I do not act for Mr Osman, I am sure he has his own lawyers who carry out that role. It is the integrity of public justice and proper administration that is at stake here, not the case against Mr Osman, or indeed the nature of his defence. You will recall that the Appeal Court in Birmingham 6 and Guildford 4, made clear that judges and juries were helpless where the prosecution presented false and corrupt
evidence.
J.C
14.
In this case there is an exact parallel, reinforced by the fact
that neither the Governor, nor the Home Office, nor your own department, have answered questions of public fact relating to the prosecutor, Reid, the witness, Jaafar, the complainant, Razaleigh and the loss of evidence.
If those questions had been answered, and the answers are public facts and not sub judice, the corruption in this case would be
evident to the most ignorant layman. You may be aware that I have been investigating this matter for a number of years. There
are a number of matters which have become apparent from these investigations.
1
2.
3.
4.
The supply of evidence from Malaysia was subject to political, not legal, control (see FCO cables).
The Attorney General of Malaysia, the chief judicial officer controlling the conduct of the case from the Malaysian end, was motivated by political
considerations rather than the interests of justice,
and the Hong Kong authorities themselves did not trust the good faith of the Malaysian Attorney General (refer exhibit one).
The evidence permitted to emerge from Malaysia was
selective, biased, and was so organised to conceal
the role of key political figures, (see NEW STRAITS
TIMES on Noordin Committee, Malaysian Hansard, FCO cables.)
That the Hong Kong authorities had been, at all times from about 1983 onwards, aware of the political background in Malaysia and the political inspiration behind the request to prosecute. (see FCO cables, New Straits Times, Malaysian Hansard, Aliran).
5.
The prosecution in Hong Kong was viewed in political
terms.
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