Government, and even that the FCO is "terrified" of the new directly-elected members. Nothing could be further from the truth. We have worked for years to bring about the gradual development of representative government in Hong Kong. In doing so we have had two aims: a steady increase in the number of directly-elected members of LegCo: and a system which is sustainable after 1997.
The elections went well. Although the turnout at
39% of registered voters was lower than some expected,
each of the 18 directly-elected seats was vigorously
contested. The United Democrats did particularly well,
winning 12 of the seats. Since then there has been a
good deal of discussion about the implications of the
elections for the way Hong Kong is administered. Here as in other aspects of policy, it is essential to bear in mind that Hong Kong's situation is unique, and that earlier colonial experience will not always apply:
until 1997, Britain remains responsible for the administration of Hong Kong;
- after that, sovereignty passes to China, with the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law setting out in great detail
the high degree of autonomy which the future Special Administrative Region will enjoy.
These bedrock realities are relevant to the
elections in two ways.
First, the elections were not about who will govern Hong Kong. That must remain Britain's responsibility until 1997, to be carried out by the Governor and his
administration. The Hong Kong Government's task was not
to stand for election but rather to organise the