Consulting the people of Hong Kong--not to mention securing our agreement.
This development is largely a result of the degree to which Britain and its colonial administration here have been willing to facilitate Beijing's desire to increase its pre- and post- 1997 control over Hong Kong. Beijing's strategy to block the development of autonomous self-government in Hong Kong is marked by three basic elements.
First, limit the number of democratically elected members in the Legislative Council. Second, block the development and powers of the Legislative Council. And, third, deprive the Hong Kong Government as a whole of its autonomy by negotiating with the U.K. Government whenever possible. At each level, the U.K. Government is
is acting in concert with China for the main reason that China's aims neatly coincide with Britain's own aim of not allowing opposition to its sell-out of Hong Kong to become too visible to the world over the next six years.
Faced with such cosy understanding between Britain and China, what can we in Hong Kong do in order to realise our right to democratic local self-government as promised in the Joint Declaration? First of all, we must try to explain to the PRC the consensus view of the people of Hong Kong. We must persuade them that the fulfilment of the 1984 treaty is essential for the long-term growth and prosperity of Hong Kong, which in turn will contribute much to the economic growth of China. We in Hong Kong need to relay this message to China at all levels and at all times, while at the same time developing constructive communication with the PRC on the whole range of cross-border issues that are an inevitable part of the tightening economic nexus between Hong Kong and Guangdong. We must insist that a
good Hong Kong-PRC relationship can only be built on the solid |
foundation of the Joint Declaration.
We must also adopt a firm and clear approach with the United Kingdom Government, and refuse to accept any U.K. decision that runs counter to our interests. If we are to protect Hong Kong's interests and realise the high degree of autonomy promised to us, we must stand up and insist on the right to represent ourselves with China in negotiations
negotiations on all
all matters relating to our internal affairs. The last decade has shown all too clearly that we cannot rely on Britain to negotiate for us. The sooner Hong Kong is able to negotiate for itself with Beijing, moreover, the better able we will be to deal with the Central People's Government after 1997.
The agreement on the Court of Final Appeal presents a vivid example. The power to invite overseas judges to sit on that Court is entirely vested in that Court, as is provided for in the Joint Declaration, and, indeed, the Basic Law; and the legislation necessary to establish that Court is exclusively a matter for this Council. Yet, the Joint Liaison Group, without even consulting this Council, reached an agreement on the Court by twisting the clear language of the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law and is therefore entirely unacceptable to the people
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