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[ 24 JANUARY 1990 ]
A key section of the Basic Law is the chapter on the fut political structure, and this is the focus of And the provisions for constitutional development after 1997 have also stimulated interest in the pace of democratisation before 1997, which is a matter for decision by the British and Hong Kong governments.
Your Lordships have rightly drawn attention to the strength of feeling in Hong Kong on the subject of democratisation in the territory. A substantially larger number of directly elected seats will be introduced in the elections to the Legislative Council in 1991 than was hitherto envisaged. Our aim will be to ensure that the system we introduce before 1997 is durable and capable of further development after that time.
The best outcome would be one which reconciles the wishes of Hong Kong people for a substantial step forward in 1991 with the continuation and further strengthening of democracy after 1997. We are seeking to reconcile these two because that is -clearly the best way. But if the best way is not attainable we shall have to take our own decisions in the best interests of Hong Kong. My right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary has already made clear that the Government will be announcing their intentions very shortly.
The debate has also focused on one of the other immediate concerns of Hong Kong-the heavy burden on the territory of the Vietnamese boat people. Here again, the Government have not flinched from the need to take difficult decisions. In December we authorised the Hong Kong Government to proceed with the mandatory repatriation of 51 Vietnamese boat people. This was not something which we relished. But the plain fact is that Hong Kong cannot be expected to cope indefinitely with an endless stream of migrants from Vietnam, most of whom have no prospect of ever finding a new home. It is therefore imperative that we find effective ways of ending this futile exodus.
I should like now to pay tribute to the noble Lord, Lord Ennals, and my right honourable friend Mr. Raison for the determination and dedication they showed in undertaking their arduous mission to Vietnam and for their thorough and comprehensive report. I am pleased to say that their report has been placed in the Library of the House. We are naturally glad that the noble Lord, and my right honourable friend were able to confirm that there is no evidence that the 51 people have been ill-treated since their return to Vietnam.
It is also clear from their report that the message has not yet got across in Vietnam that no country is willing to take those boat people who are found not to be genuine refugees. In this regard, we welcome the report's recommendation for a campaign of education. We shall be studying this and other recommendations in the report very carefully with a view to implementing them as quickly as possible.
Perhaps I may turn now to some of the specific points that have been raised. First, regarding the outcome of the Geneva meeting, I am sorry to say that the statements about that outcome which were made by the noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter-I
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am sure in the best of faith and in accordance with some press reports that have been received-were both prevratu donada zer-nptimist When he spoke. the contenus was sil rossi, i understan that it has now finished and has failed to reach a
consensus.
The United States and Vietnam are still standing out against the consensus. We very much regret that, but we understand that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees now intends, at the request of the committee, personally to carry out a round of urgent consultation. We hope that the United States and Vietnam will subsequently decide not to block what would otherwise be a full consensus.
The noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, also suggested that there might be an international conference on the right of abode. We have already been doing everything possible in multilateral fora and bilateral contacts to rally international support for Hong Kong. My right honourable friend the Prime Minister raised the matter at the Kuala Lumpur Commonwealth Conference and at the Madrid European Council.
We have taken every suitable opportunity to press our friends and partners to follow our lead in announcing a package of assurances to give people the confidence to remain in the territory. We are certain that this is the best approach and the one most likely to achieve the desired results.
The noble Lord was concerned too about China's attitude to Hong Kong. There is, I must emphasise, no question of appeasing China. We negotiate firmly and tenaciously in the best interests of Hong Kong. Of course, if that does not involve immediate rejection by China, that is an added bonus. But in order to achieve the best results it is essential that we keep our channels open. That was the purpose of Sir Percy Cradock's visit which took place, contrary to some views expressed, with the full knowledge of the Foreign Office and in full accord with the Madrid declaration. That declaration did not in any way prevent contact by senior officials, of whom Sir Percy is one. Indeed, Sir Percy, having served as ambassador in Peking in years past, was a good man to undertake that mission. I can think of none better.
The noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, and the noble Baroness, Lady Seear, spoke about the need to end the aid embargo to Vietnam. It is of course desirable that conditions in Vietnam should improve so that its people are happy to stay there. That will require sensible economic policies on the part of the Vietnamese authorities. It is equally clear that international aid will have an important role to play. We are already giving financial assistance to help those being reintegrated back into Vietnam, but in order to qualify for full programme aid Vietnam must demonstrate that it is a responsible member of the international community. It must, for example, be ready to fulfil its responsibilities to its own people by agreeing to take back those screened out as non-refugees who have no future other than in their own country.
My noble friend Lord Willoughby felt that the Hong Kong people had not been properly consulted