}
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[ 24 JANUARY 1990]
influences of Britain in terms of democracy would be fel Hong Kong
vail the f ign Formosary »• Staternet on democratisation with interest. Perhaps I may assume that he will make it before Easter, which would be helpful. The House will recall that last July Sir Geoffrey Howe said that a Bill of Rights listing the rights and freedoms of the people of Hong Kong would be passed. Can the Minister indicate what progress is being made on that, although I understand that it is primarily a matter for the Hong Kong Government and not for the United Kingdom.
The noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, and other noble Lords dealt with the problem of the Vietnamese boat people. As I have no time to go into detail, I shall merely say that that is an almost intractable problem, and I fully agree with the noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, that it cannot be satisfactorily resolved without international understanding and co-operation.
The United States Government have far more responsibility for the state of affairs in Vietnam than the British Government, but Britain is left to find the answer to that awful dilemma.
We have all read the report prepared by my noble friend Lord Ennals and Mr. Timothy Raison. We listened to my noble friend's constructive speech with great interest. The report makes important recommendations. I hope that the Minister will be able to give the Government's response to them when he winds up.
As the steering committee is sitting in Geneva at present, perhaps the Minister can give us the latest information. We are delighted that progress has been made, and, like the noble Lord, Lord Glenarthur, I welcome the agreement on a six month moratorium on forcible repatriation...
The main purpose of the Foreign Secretary's visit to Hong Kong was to explain and to hear the community's reactions to his nationality proposals which he had announced here on 20th December. He then said that everyone he met had said that they hoped the proposals would have made provision for more people but welcomed them because they would keep more people in Hong Kong. The Foreign Secretary had a difficult decision to make. We also know that whatever solution he produced, it would have been open to criticism from some quarter or another. So it has turned out, with Mr. Norman Tebbit especially on his high horse. But the Government's proposed scheme deserves careful consideration. It has some flaws which must be scrutinised carefully when we come in due course to debate the Bill. For example, a points system will be difficult to operate, as we know from long experience. We shall need to go into that system in great detail. A fair system which does not discriminate in favour of the "top bracket" is essential. It seems to me to be our duty to help to achieve that. Like the noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, I hope that it will lead to a greater response and readiness from other countries which have far more space than this country. The noble Baroness, Lady Seear, mentioned Australia, Canada and the United States. Given time, and patient
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discussion and negotiation, I have some faith that there will be a response from our friends in the Come wea!:: Autor patrie,
We should not forget that there are others whom we must accept, such as stateless persons, war widows (few in number now) and Crown servants under the British Nationality Act 1981, as well as people who would clearly be at risk if they could not leave; but we shall come to those matters again in due course.
Like the noble Lords, Lord Derwent and Lord Butterfield, I should like to pay a tribute to Sir David Wilson, the governor of Hong Kong, for the wise and calm manner in which he has conducted his duties over the past few difficult months. Criticisms of him were not helpful to Hong Kong's future. His recent visit to Peking was not easy. No doubt he had to argue for democratic advance against those who are afraid of it. Things will change over the next few years. I listened carefully to the noble and gallant Lord, Lord Bramall, and his proper warning, from his long experience, against over optimism. We should heed his warnings carefully.
A warm tribute is due to OMELCO; and, as I have said before in these debates, we should all heed its views carefully. In close agreement with OMELCO and the Government of Hong Kong, the Government here must talk, persuade and seek international support for their arguments. I hope that the Government of Japan, whose influence in Peking is significant, is being kept informed. They more than most will appreciate the importance of Hong Kong to mainland China.
Much can be achieved in seven years, as we in Europe know only too well, and if we proceed with patience, determination and a commitment to a just and fair settlement, I believe that we can succeed.
7.45 p.m.
The Minister of State, Department of Trade and Industry (Lord Trefgarne); My Lords, I join with all those who have paid tribute to the noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, for providing this further opportunity to debate Hong Kong at a time when the affairs of the territory are at the forefront of our minds. This evening's debate has once again demonstrated the detailed knowledge and experience which your Lordships bring to bear on matters affecting Hong Kong. I shall try in the time remaining, or perhaps a little less, to answer as many of the specific points as I can.
I must start by reiterating the tributes that have been paid to my noble friend Lord Sharp on his maiden speech. He was, as has been said, drawing upon a great depth of experience and authority on matters concerning Hong Kong and his speech will have greatly assisted your Lordships.
Today's debate has set out clearly the central issues of concern to Hong Kong, which include the continuing and fundamental importance of the 1984 Sino-British joint declaration and the need to maintain a dialogue with China in order to turn the joint declaration into a reality; the need for Britain to do all we can to reassure the people of Hong