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Hong
(LORD BONHAM-Carter.]
[ LORDS ]
have said that I do not think we should unforensian cour bargaining position, nor do I need to remind your Lordships of the immense and vital contribution that Hong Kong makes to the Chinese economy. That is astonishing when one thinks of the size of that place. It is astonishing that it creates 70 per cent. of total industrial investment and 33 per cent. of foreign currency. Two million people in southern China are directly or indirectly employed from Hong Kong. Trade between Hong Kong and China has increased in the past 10 years by 1,500 per cent. to £23 billion. That is quite apart from the huge investment being put into Hong Kong, for example in the port and sea development scheme.
Our policy therefore should be to be firm, to encourage the confidence of the people of Hong Kong and to do everything in our power nationally and internationally to provide security for the citizens of Hong Kong in the event of the worst possible case occurring. The
The Chines People's Republic cannot want to inherit a ghost town. I beg to move for Papers.
5.55 p.m.
a
Lord Wyatt of Weeford: My Lords, the Liberal Democrats have been very helpful in putting down this Motion. I am sure your Lordships will agree that it is important to keep developing events in Hong Kong under frequent review. The noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, made wide-ranging and interesting speech. I agreed with quite a lot of that speech. I congratulate the Government on making some movement on passports. It is not enough, but it is a start. I am sure that if the Chinese are looking really nasty as 1997 approaches, the warmhearted British public will be willing for the numbers with right of abode to be increased. However, we now have something which we can show to other countries to encourage them to give similar help to Hong Kongers.
The Government must be admired for their courage in taking on the section of the Tory Party which has forgotten the pride with which the old Conservative Party honoured its obligations to protect citizens of the once great and benevolent British Empire. Mr. Tebbit and his friends have a blind spot. They cannot distinguish between immigrants from British Empire countries which sought and obtained their independence and those in Hong Kong whom we are about to hand over to a President Ceausescu-type of communist regime. The former were not refugees from political persecution. Hong Kongers have a high probability of becoming victims of it.
I believe that the Government will get through the necessary measures to obtain the limited number of passports. I am sure there are many Labour Members and non-Conservative Members in both Houses who are too decent to support the strange official Labour line that either all Hong Kongers should be given proper passports, or none. That effectively means, as it is intended to mean, that none will get them.
The feeling of bitterness in Hong Kong against Britain is still strong. However, the feeling is not as angry as it was. But the mood is nervous and volatile.
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It could erupt into ugly scenes as 1997 approaches, making Hong Kong increasingly difficult to govern. Chi is ruled by raen w
amazing overturn of seemingly solid communist governments in Europe and even in Mongolia. This induces them to make menacing threats to Hong Kong. The Basic Law now being formulated in China, with little input from Hong Kong, may contain a provision against Hong Kong being used as a base for subversion. This would rapidly be interpreted as grounds for censoring the press and television, although all democratic rights now existing in Hong Kong were guaranteed in the joint declaration of 1984.
Recently Li Peng, the Chinese Prime Minister, said that even if Mr. Martin Lee and Mr. Szeto Wah were elected to the Legislative Council by a 100 per cent. vote before 1997 they would not be allowed to keep their seats afterwards. That is because they have criticised China's attitude since 4th June. Peking is terrified of democracy. The provisions for electing the chief executive, the equivalent of the governor, will ensure that no one disapproved of by China could have the job. China jibs at the very modest proposal of OMELCO for direct elections to the Legislative Council. It is amazing that after more than 150 years there is still no one voted on to that body by popular suffrage.
OMELCO asks that in 1991 one-third of the council should be elected by popular vote, one-third should come from indirect elections in the functional constituencies and one-third should be officially appointed. For the 1995 election it asks that half should be elected by popular vote and half should come from the functional constituencies. Peking says no. By 1995 only 30 per cent. should be popularly
cent. elected, with 50 per
from functional constituencies, plus a sinister 20 per cent. from a so-called election committee. Those will be Peking's yes-men. No laws would be passed without the consent of those election committee members as well as of the rest. However, it is said that rejected Bills could be resubmitted and passed by a simple majority. I doubt it.
The election committee would be a second chamber, with Peking holding the veto. For 1999 OMELCO proposes 67 per cent. be directly elected, with 33 per cent. from functional committees. Peking says only 40 per cent. can be directly elected and the election committee members will have 10 per cent. of seats, thus retaining the veto from Peking.
The British Government are about to give their verdict on the composition of the Legislative Council in 1991 and 1995, the last time elections will be held under British rule, with the subsequent election due in 1999. The Government adopt a paternalistic attitude. They advise Hong Kongers not to annoy Peking by pushing for more than Peking proposes or beyond what the British Government consider it is safe to propose without outright rejection by China. We are behaving as though Hong Kongers are our children for ever and we are their nanny. We
are not.
If the British Government proposals do not meet Hong Kong's expectations they will be rejected by