HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL —1 March 1990
香港立法局————————— 一九九0年三月一日
13
geographical regions know what truly praiseworthy benefits exist in Hong Kong making it a desirable place in which to live and do business?
On Government's part, then, it must be thoughtful and well-organized. It must have vision. The Administration needs our support and encouragement more than ever before. For the people it serves, it must address the Hong Kong image problem forcefully and positively. This is its major "outside issue". For the people it serves, it must also address the transitional period by putting a well-defined political system in place with an established election process. This is its major "inside issue".
Yet, in the end, it will be the response of the populace of Hong Kong, the response of every one of us, which will determine the success of democratization. Let us continue to work through diplomacy. Let us not start another round of war of words, for it would only create further loss of confidence.
Sir, of the two motions being debated today, I believe the motion of my colleague, the Honourable Allen LEE, gives us firmer footing and a better beginning on the road to democracy. With these words, I support his motion.
鄭德健議員致辭:
主席先生,促進香港民主政制發展,是大多數港人的意願,我們有責任為市民爭取一個更民主的 政制,建立一個更能向市民負責的政府。
要維持香港的繁榮和穩定,除了要靠一個民主的政治體制之外,基本法内有關經濟、司法獨立 中央和香港特別行政區的關係、居民的權利和義務與社會等條文,對香港未來的發展亦非常重 要。今天的兩項動議予人有「兩局共識」不被接纳而作感情上宣洩的感覺,反而對其他一些重大 影響香港未來發展的條文,及政制的其他重要部份,例如行政長官、行政機關及司法機關等隻字 不提,着眼點未免過份狹隘。
在基本法諮詢期間,政制方案紛陳,諮詢委員會共收到40個方案,顯示本港市民已由「政治 冷感」中逐漸熱心起來,是一可喜的現象。及至最後階段,歸納起來,尚有幾個較主要的方案, 而其中的「四四二」方案,可能是更受港人接納,因其經過激進派、中間派及穩健派的調協而獲 得共識的方案,亦是我個人較傾向的一個。基本法起草委員會經過四年零八個月的籌備、諮詢 磋商和表決後,終於有了定稿,雖難稱得上十全十美,但我們必須理智地接受事實。我認為民主 實踐需要妥協,彼此必須顧存大局,摒棄成見,存異求同,以維護香港的整體和長遠利益;假若 不同方案的擁護者仍各持己見,互不妥協,拘泥於立法局議席的多寡而喋喋不休,糾纏爭辯,不 但於事無補,且欠缺民主風度,更會在港人的信心危機上火上加油,使港人本來已漸趨平伏的 心情,再起波瀾,直接影響香港的安定繁榮。