Twh
his a new turning point for all those who care about Hong Kong, especially for those of us who had put so much effort over the last five
years into
new
I
working for the success of the arrangements for the British colonial territory to become a Special Administrative Region in 1997. No one can seriously suppose that the transfer of sovereignty will not take place because of the recent events. do not think there is any realistic prospect of Britain and China sitting down to re-negotiate their pact. Nor do I think that it would be in Hong Kong's interest to re-open what took two years of patient negotiation to put together.
So the territorial side of the bargain must stand with the benefit of the promises spelt out in the Joint Declaration guaranteeing the maintenance of Hong Kong's system and way of life. But it is the human dimension that has changed so much in so short a time. Widespread loss of confidence in the goodwill of Chinese leaders confronts all those with political responsibility for Hong Kong.
-
As I tried to make clear in my meetings in London recently, the basic problem - and it is an urgent problem - is how to energise and motivate a deeply anxious community to commit themselves to work for Hong Kong's future. and the political arrangements for 1997 and beyond. It will not be easy.
It is not just the sight of a bloody confrontation between demonstrating students and workers and a ruthless army that has hit home. In a community which takes freedom for granted, it is just as much what has come later that has created anxieties: the daily reports of reprisals, the blatant use of propaganda in place of truth, the calls for citizens to report their neighbours, the indoctrination of school children, the ease with which dissent has been stilled by fear.
What is wanted now from Britain are not words, but some far-reaching measures that
HONG KONG
A MATTER OF PRIDE
By Dame Lydia Dunn
Senior Member of Hong Kong's Executive Council
will
put new heart into people here, boost their confidence and transform the situation.
When I gave evidence to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee in April, I sought to make the point that in these times of transition, in areas such as Civil Service morale, Vietnamese boat people, the Basic Law, and nationality, there was a need for Britain to do more, not less, to demonstrate its commitment to Hong Kong. My final words were: "Britain must make people here believe that their future is secure because Britain is determined to make it so." That is sadly even more true today.
The office of the Members of the Executive and Legislative council in Hong Kong is determined to see this through because we believe that the restoration of a right of abode in Britain is the surest and casiest way for Britain at a stroke to boost the confidence of the people of Hong Kong so that they may have faith in their future here, and the will to work for it.
Hong Kong British subjects are still entitled to the governance and protection of their sovereign
which is why we speak of Britain's constitutional responsibility. And
for all the citizens of a dependency with a finite life, we speak of the moral responsibility of those on whose power and word we all depend.
But - leaving aside honour and constitutional obligation - it is also in Britain's interest to support Hong Kong. What has been built here in Hong Kong, from the magic mix of British and Chinese entrepreneurial energy and flair is a unique society. Surely it is a matter of pride that Britain should wish to leave Hong Long in good shape in 1997, with community gradually assuming the responsibilities of internal autonomous self-government.
a
Like many in Hong Kong, I see a case for increasing the number of directly elected seats in 1991. I see the case for a Bill of rights. But it is all too easy for the British Government to offer these instead of facing up to the demands for the right of abode for British subjects. I fear that without assurances of a home of last resort, this community will lose the will to make a success of Hong Kong in the nineties, and there will be a loss of talent overseas to match the loss of spirit at home. In that scenario, democracy and legislation for human rights will count for little. I do not think by themselves they will be enough to keep the people of Hong Kong committed to their future.
Let me conclude on a positive note. We all know that Hong Kong people are resilient, 'pragmatic, well used to coping with risks and swings of fortune' and bouncing back from set-backs. Hong Kong is our home, and for the most of us, this is where we want to stay. The recent weeks have given the community a new found sense of unity. Our needs are becoming clear to us. Once long term anxieties are set at rest, this community can buckle down to the tasks it faces over the next decade with self-confidence self-assurance.
and
If we go on presenting our case with dignity and determination, I feel sure that support for Hong Kong will grow. It requires a courageous decision on the of
part the British Government to close this chapter on their imperial history with honour.
The House Magazine, JULY 17, 1989
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