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elections, and the pro-Beijing forces are satisfied that candidates unacceptable to them, with perhaps one exception, were not elected as District Board chairmen or Legislative Councillors.
The keen competition between the democracy movement and the conservative camp in the District Board elections in 1988 was further complicated by two factors: the involvement of the Kuomintang forces and the activity of the Communist Party of China. The Kuomintang is generally regarded as a disorganized political force adopting a low political profile, but a Hong Kong government source revealed that it had participated significantly in the elections and worked hard to support many candidates fielded by the democracy movement. 28 This strategy was adopted probably because the Kuomintang realized that the public was no longer enthusiastic about its ideological message of fighting communism. The Kuomintang involvement is still little known to the Hong Kong community but, if widely recognized, would probably discourage voting and political participation in general.
Hong Kong government officials privately expressed concern over the mobilization of the Communist Party of China in the 1988 District Board elections. They believed that election on a one-person-one-vote basis would be an easy way for the communists and their sympathizers to enter the Hong Kong government structure, given their extensive network in the community. It was said that this had been a key reason why some government officials opposed direct elections to the Legislative Council.29 In some ways the Communist Party of China has been stepping up its activities in the territory and seeking to establish itself as the dominant political force.30 It began publicly building its community network and influence in 1985 when the local branch of the New China News Agency opened three district offices in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories. Pro-Beijing political forces mounted a campaign to block the introduction of direct elections to the Legislative Council in 1988. They too began to organize grassroots neighbourhood groups. These groups have considerable resources at their disposal from China to organize activities, and would constitute unfair competition in various elections. In the 1988 District Board elections, the China Resources (Holdings) company and the China Merchants Steam Navigation Com- pany provided vehicles in support of the pro-Beijing candidates in some Hong Kong Island constituencies on election day. These two are major Chinese corporations in Hong Kong, and are directly accountable to the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade and the Ministry of Communications respectively.
In some cases, prominent conservative political leaders endorsed candidates from the pro-communist camp, which is also against the rapid development of representa- tive government in Hong Kong. In return, left-wing organizations in their letters to members instructed them to vote for candidates from the conservative camp as well. These practices reflected the common interests of the 'unholy alliance' between Beijing, London and the conservative business community in Hong Kong, as well as the increasingly isolated position of the democracy movement.
Since the conclusion of the Joint Declaration, the local New China News Agency and pro-Beijing organizations have been engaging in an all-embracing 'united front' campaign to win the hearts of Hong Kong people. There have been numerous rounds.
28. Lau, 'China derails 'through train' reform plans'.
29. Lau, 'One point for democracy', p. 26.
30. Emily Lau, 'Positioning for power' and 'Grasping the grassroots', Far Eastern Economic Review, Vol. 137, No. 32, 6 Aug. 1987, pp. 26-9; see also Loong Sin (pseudonym), A shadow government of Hong Kong (in Chinese) (Hong Kong: Haishan Tushu Gongsi, no publication date given, probably 1986).