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| 5 JULY 1989 ]
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the best possible provision Hong Kong after 1997. We shall pursue the sures I have outlined with vigour as part of wider and unchanged commitment". Lords, that concludes the Statement.
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rd Cledwyn of Penrhos: My Lords. we are ful to the noble Lord for repeating the ment. When the Foreign Secretary decided to Hong Kong he knew, as we all did, that he d have a very critical reception; and so it turned Sir Geoffrey conducted himself with dignity and age. It is also noteworthy that the members he Hong Kong community, apprehensive and ertain as they are, gave him a reasonable hearing. s the Foreign Secretary said before he set out, he it to listen. The Statement contains his reactions. oes not go into detail on the main issues, and I not complain about that at this point. However, hink that a clear, full and detailed note of ernment policy will be required fairly soon so It the people of Hong Kong know more precisely ere they stand.
Regarding nationality, the renewal of confidence of paramount importance, as the Statement says. e note that a scheme is being prepared, and we elcome that. Can the noble Lord, Lord Glenarthur, y when that is likely to be announced, and what tions are being considered? For example, is one those options a quota system operating over a eriod of years? Is he aware that a selective scheme ased on wealth alone would not be acceptable to le people of this country?
We note and welcome the reference to the nternational community in the Statement. That is ecessarily vague at this point, and in due course we hall expect a fuller report of the responses of the European Community and the other countries referred to.
We also welcome the steps proposed to protect the traditions of freedom, including a Bill of Rights. We note that some of those need further negotiations with the Chinese Government, for example Article 18 of the draft Basic Law, and the stationing of Chinese forces in Hong Kong. That has now become a matter of first importance, and we support the Government's proposal to discuss the matter further with the authorities in the Chinese Republic.
On democratic development generally, can the noble Lord say whether the Government propose to speed up elections to the legislative council and other bodies in Hong Kong? We shall obviously have to return to all those matters and to have a debate when the Government are able to furnish us with more clearly defined objectives and policies...
4.45 p.m.
Lord Bonham-Carter: My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lord for repeating the Statement made by his right honourable and learned friend in another place. I too should like to pay tribute to the conduct of Sir Geoffrey Howe in the very difficult circumstances in which he found himself in Hong Kong. On the other hand, conduct is rather different
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from policy. The policies set forth in the Statement are hardly likely to achieve the purpose which is required. which is to allay the apprehensions of the people of Hong Kong faced with the alarming situation in which they find themselves.
The Statement which has just been read to us is rather more full of aspirations than actions. It says "It is of the first importance that the Chinese Government begin... restoring confidence in China's intentions". It is equally imporatnt that the British Government restore confidence in the British Government's intentions by taking action which is urgently required. Sir Geoffrey says "We want to enchance people's confidence to remain". "We alerted our Community partners to Hong Kong's problems". "There is scope for reviewing the rate of progress". "We favour a bill of right”.
One feels like saying "Why don't you do something, or tell us when you are going to do something?" Above all, some guarantee to the people of Hong Kong is required that their lives and liberties will be assured. It is not enough at this stage to alert our partners in the European Community. It is generally agreed by the Select Committee, by both parties on these Benches, and by Mr. Martin Lee of Hong Kong, that if we are to assure the people of their liberties and their safety, we must mobilise the European Community, the Commonwealth and the United States to undertake to accept people from Hong Kong should the worst possible case occur. I should like to know what steps the Government are taking now to put that into practice.
The situation is serious because the prosperity of Hong Kong depends on keeping people working there; and on the prosperity of Hong Kong depends its future after 1997. I hope that we shall not have to depend on aspirations but that there will be decisions and action by Her Majesty's Government in the very near future.
Lord Glenarthur: My Lords. perhaps I may first of all thank both noble Lords opposite for their kind tributes to my right honourable and learned friend. His was not an easy task to undertake; but I am grateful, as I am sure he will be, for the kind remarks which have been made about his visit.
Perhaps I may deal first of all with the more general point raised by the noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, that the Statement is one rather more of aspiration than of action. I am sure he will appreciate that the Statement was made immediately upon the return of my right honourable and learned friend. He went to Hong Kong to glean at first hand the views of those that he described in the Statement. Obviously, it is aspiration; action will follow.
I have given some indication of the kind of action which will go part of the way--though not the whole way towards meeting some of the anxieties that have been expressed to my right honourable and learned friend on his visit. More will follow in due course. The noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, asked me when that would be. I cannot give him a precise date, but I am sure he will understand that much is under active consideration at the moment; and as soon as the Government are in a position to make an announcement, it will be made.