in 2003 which will result in certain strata being deprived of any representation in the Legislative Council. Will there be adequate representation of the industrial and commercial sectors in the Legislative
Council? How about the workers, hawkers and people at the grassroot
level? We must consider these carefully.
There should not be any problem to have 50 directly elected
seats in 1997 as the industrial and commercial sectors will surely agree
to it. But the political figures and political organizations in the
industrial and commercial sectors are still not quite ready and it is
believed that they will object to the complete abolition of functional
constituencies six years after 1997. The British Parliamentary system, despite its development over several centuries, still consists of a House of Lords to act as a buffer against the over-heated sentiment
of the masses. Therefore, it is rather unusual for Britain to expect
Hong Kong to finish the whole course of democratization in six years, and without the establishment of an upper house.
Whether all Seats Should be Directly Elected in 2003
Hong Kong is a highly commercialized city. The success of the
Hong Kong Government in administering Fong long is due to its care for the
interests of investors. Even though the colonial system in Hong Kong is
so undemocratic, it has, through a system of appointment, maintained a considerable proportion of representation from the industrial and commercial sectors in the Legislative Council. The fact that Lydia DUNN
and after her, Allen LEE have assumed the position of the senior member
of the Legislative Council indicates the role played by people in the
industrial and commercial sectors in the government system of Hong Kong.
Once all the seats are directly elected, it would be hard for the likes
of Lydia DUNN and Allen LEE to become senior members. Whether they can
have a seat in the Legislative Council is also doubtful. Hong Kong people cannot expect people like Lydia DUNN and Allen LEE to behave like a party chief, to speak eloquently in a mass rally and make use of their political styles and charisma to attract voters. They are business people. They have good administration ability, much better than Szeto Wah. However, their skills, their way of speaking and personal styles in mass
appeal lag far behind that of Szeto Wah. The emotions of the masses are easily swayed by the radicals, but are less readily influenced by those