5 Aug 89
FE/0527 B2/4
On 26th May, Yan Jiaqi and Bao Zunxin published “An Open Letter to Li Peng" in the Hongkong press, and repeated their demand for the annulment of the imposition of martial law in Peking and for the "impeachment of Li Peng”.
On 27th May, Yan Jiaqi participated in organising the so- called meeting to call for a "hunger strike of 5,000 elite of the intellectual circles. Later, there was a farce of a hunger strike with the participation of only four persons, including Liu Xiaobo, which lasted between 48 and 72 hours.
Even in the wake of the counter-revolutionary rebellion, which eventually broke out on 3rd June, Yan Jiaqi continued his direct command. He spent the whole evening of 3rd June on a flyover at Jianquomen to participate in and to conduct the "activities in blocking military vehicles entering the city proper". He did not return home until 2230. At about 2330, he headed for Tiananmen Square again to participate in the so- called "opening ceremonies of the Democracy University," and became its "honorary president". He delivered a 20-minute agitating speech, asserting that Li Peng “must resign on his own"; otherwise, "he will be tried and sentenced"! Yan also yelled that their "democracy" must be forged with life and blood.
As soon as the order of the imposition of martial law was issued, Yan Jiaqi and his ilk knew that their game was as good as lost. However, like all reactionary elements, they would not take their defeat lying down. Eventually, they organised the elite of the riot and all kinds of scum in society into a reactionary force to wage a desperate struggle to topple the socialist PRC. They were doomed to failure. In the gamble in which Yan Jiaqi lost all his stakes, his dazzling cloak of democracy, the legal system and non-violence was torn to pieces by arbitrarily trampling the Constitution and the law and the brutal atrocities in their evil plot to overthrow the regime of poeple's democracy. His true face as an evil plotter, organiser and conductor of the counter-revolutionary rebellion was entirely exposed.
IV.
In the wake of the quelling of the counter-revolutionary rebellion, Yan Jiaqi and his wife fled the country with the help of hostile forces overseas. Even as he is now in exile abroad, he has continued to curse the Chinese government and the Chinese people. That is just fine, for he has confessed without being pressed, that he is not only a reactionary element opposing the communist party and socialism, but also scum of the Chinese nation, and he has betrayed the motherland.
On 4th July, Yan Jiaqi and Wuer Kaixi published a so- called "Declaration Marking a Whole Month after the National Sorrow" in Paris, France. They bellowed that they would found a "joint committee for China's students' movement and pro-democracy movement” overseas to create a still stronger "storm" in mainland China. Meanwhile, the ringleader of the US-based “Democratic Alliance of China”, Wang Binzhang, has made a special trip to Hongkong and declared that “an opposition party in exile will be founded”, while he nominated "Yan Jiaqi to be the first-term party leader", and "the other candidate" was none other than Fang Lizhi. Wang's statement has served very well to show that traitors and the world's anti-communism and anti-China forces
SWB
have pinned their hope on Yan Jiaqi. Again in mid-July, Yan Jiaqi called together some people in Paris to hold a secret meeting, and plotted to found a so-called "democratic front of China", which aims to oppose the Chinese government and advocates the overthrow of the socialist system in China. It seems that people like Yan Jiaqi who have gained the support of foreign hostile forces overseas will continue to contend with the Chinese people. We must thoroughly quell the counter- revolutionary rebellion; at the same time, we must always maintain our vigilance against the new evil plots of a very small handful of diehards, and their trouble-making at any time. However, we must warn those people: Whoever pursues perverse acts and becomes the enemy of the Chinese people will come to no good end. When their evil plot has ended in failure at home, their trouble-making by relying on foreign reactionary forces overseas will only meet with the same defeat. The Chinese people are bound to make progress and to win victories in their great socialist construction and undertakings in reform and opening up, while they are doomed to failure. This is the inevitability of history.
‘RENMIN RIBAO*: PARTY POLICY ON INTELLECTUALS ”WILL NOT CHANGE”
Peking 'Renmin Ribao' in Chinese 4 Aug 89
Text of commentator's article: “The party's policy on intellectuals will not change”
Since the counter-revolutionary rebellion was quelled, one question which everybody has been concerned about is whether the party's policy on intellectuals will change. Seeing that some intellectuals were involved in the turmoil and the rebellion in varying degrees, some comrades contend that "the intellectuals cannot be relied upon” and “in the past they were praised too much". Fearing the possible repetition of the previous "leftist" practices to be taken against the intellectuals, other comrades are laden with anxieties.
In the final analysis, these views show that some people have doubted and wavered about the party's policy on intellectuals. To this it is necessary to give a clear and positive answer: the party's policy on intellectuals has not changed and will not change.
The party's policy on intellectuals has not changed, first of all, in part because the party's major goal of socialist modernisation has not changed and the line, principles and policies pursued since the third plenary session of its 11th Central Committee have not changed and naturally they include the extremely important policy on intellectuals. Now that we want to carry out socialist modernisation in our country, we must have a large contingent of intellectuals and need large numbers of experts in all fields. Otherwise, our three-step development strategy and modernisation goal will become nothing but empty talk and the prosperity and strength of the state and the improvement of the people's living standards will be hopeless.
In a certain sense, modernisation means, in essence, reliance on everything in knowledge and science. In the world today, science and technology are developing at a tremendous