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HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL 5 July 1989
document, and now we must look for its full implementation overseen by Britain and, in particular, what China will do in respect of its realization. We therefore ask that Britain must oversee the drafting of the Basic Law in terms of or in the capacity as a signatory to the Joint Declaration. Those of us who may still have the opportunity to participate in it must put our weight behind the voice of Hong Kong people and make sure that China has to face the choice of listening to us or going their own way and accept the consequences if our confidence should be further affected adversely if it should happen to be an unwise decision.
I agree that we must have a Bill of Rights here in Hong Kong. I believe that the marches that we have seen in Hong Kong are basically aiming at freedom rather than one-man-one-vote, although that is a vital issue too.
In respect of the FAC's recommendation on democratic movement, I have some reservations. The Joint Declaration envisaged a pretty right-wing kind of conservative economic policy in which the details, as we see it, guarantee that this place will have a free marketeering environment. And, of course, one very hotly debated issue is whether we should have low taxation and that, I think, is an essential element. I hope in structuring our democratic system we must try and create an environment that is conducive to the right-wing and free marketeering economy that has made Hong Kong such a success. The particular disappointment is, of course, on the passport issue. My colleagues have very eloquently expressed their views and I cannot do more but show and state my agreement. I think there is one point that need to be made to the British Parliament and Members of Parliament and that is: we are not talking merely about 1997 and what kind of responsibility China may have after 1997. We are talking about now: how do we stand where we are and be given a shield to fight the battle exactly in our own home ground. I do not think there is any doubt whatsoever even in the mind of the British Members of Parliament that we are suffering from a confidence crisis. But what is the cure? I am afraid that having examined all the alternatives and in spite of the fact that we had touched upon four subjects before, the most realistic remedy or guarantee that could be given to us is like in the years past when the Chinese had escaped from communism or socialism chance to walk away. Not that we want to. Judging by the support we are getting from the local expatriate community and the "hongs", they are totally convinced that we do not want to leave, that people in Hong Kong enjoy their own lifestyles here and that unless something catastrophic happens there is no way we can be persuaded to leave. Then why not let us have the shield now so that we can carry on with all our economic activities, our lifestyles, be with our families without any disruption and without the unnecessary waste of resources and precious time in one's life. So I think it must be made clear to the British Parliament that unless we can make the maximum use and the most fruitful employment of our time in the next eight years, the chance of the Joint Declaration working will be greatly reduced, and unless in these eight years we stand exactly where we are so that business carries on as usual in Hong Kong. I image that with a British passport the people will even work harder for two reasons: nowhere else in the world is there likely to have such good returns for one's effort than in Hong Kong; and secondly, nobody is in a hurry to leave. So I hope that message will go through.
a