HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL
5 July 1989
2097
the right of abode in the United Kingdom from Britain. At the same time we also need to be realistic. It is evident that after all we have to work out solutions on our own to the many problems before us. Hong Kong's value to China hinges on Hong Kong's prosperity. After the incident in Tiananmen, China will rely on Hong Kong more in her economic development. Therefore we have to make strenuous efforts in maintaining and strengthening Hong Kong's prosperity and her status as an international metropolis. Only by doing so can Hong Kong's future be guaranteed; only through Hong Kong people's mutual unity and efforts can we have a bright future.
Sir, with these remarks, I support the motion.
MR. ANDREW WONG: Sir, I welcome the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee's report on Hong Kong released on 28 June 1989, not without misgivings.
The main body of the report is divided into four parts, not counting the introduction and the summary of conclusion, and recommendations. These four parts are: one, The Joint Declaration and the Basic Law which deals with the question of human rights in Hong Kong and of the relationship between the future Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the central authorities; two, Actions within Hong Kong which deals with the development of representative government in Hong Kong in the run-up to 1997; three, British policy and actions which covers primarily the questions of British nationality and of British responsibility for the entire population of Hong Kong irrespective of nationality; and four, Vietnamese boat people which tackles the question of repatriation of Vietnamese in Hong Kong screened out as non- refugees.
After reading the report, one must say that the coverage is indeed impressive and comprehensive. But one must also be left with a distinct impression that conclusions and recommendations in the four areas are presented as a package deal - a package deal in which faithful implementation of the Joint Declaration, better human rights safeguards, speedier political development and solution of the Vietnamese boat people problem are offered as trade-offs for the denial of Hong Kong British nationals' right of abode in the United Kingdom and for Britain to wash her hands of her moral obligations to the entire population of Hong Kong. What is the use of talking about faithful implementation of the Joint Declaration when the issue is: it is doubtful if the implementation will really be faithful. And to be faithful to the spirit, if not the letter, of the Joint Declaration as contained in the British memorandum attached to the Joint Declaration might mean the right of abode cannot be restored. What is the use of talking about converting HMS Tamar into the future British Consulate General when the Chinese memorandum attached to the Joint Declaration stipulates that all Chinese compatriots in Hong Kong including, of course, British subjects holding BDTC or BNO passports, which are termed in that memorandum as "travel documents", will not be entitled to British consular protection, certainly not in China, and not even in Hong Kong.