2058
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL
5 July 1989
As to the risk of confronting China, and the fear that the first Chief Executive selected may not be acceptable to China, I suggest that these considerations equally apply to elections whether by universal suffrage or by a democratically constituted electoral college. For if Beijing wants to control or influence the election of the first Chief Executive, then China will also object to election by a democratically constituted electoral college for such a college may return someone unacceptable to Beijing. But if Beijing does not want to control or influence the election of the first Chief Executive, then China will not object to either model. But then the people of Hong Kong will feel much more comfortable if they know that they can elect their first Chief Executive on a one person one vote basis.
The other reason given by the FAC is the unanimous view of OMELCO that the Chief Executive would be elected by universal suffrage no later than the year 2003. The consensus was arrived at as a compromise, because the latest date on which Members of the OMELCO wanted to see the Chief Executive elected by universal suffrage was the year 2003. It is true that only a minority of OMELCO Members then wanted to see the first Chief Executive elected by universal suffrage, that is, before 1997. But that view was reached before the Tiananmen Square massacre. And there is little doubt that any view expressed before that fateful date has to be carefully re-assessed. Indeed this very point was taken by the FAC in arriving at its conclusion that the Legislative Council must be fully constituted by direct elections before 1997. And it referred in paragraph 3.9 to the "brutality and horror of the repression of that weekend" which makes it "even more imperative the early establishment of proper representative institutions in Hong Kong." With the greatest respect to the FAC, surely the election of the first Chief Executive must be part and parcel of the representative institution in Hong Kong.
I therefore submit that if we really want to implement the policy of "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong" "with a high degree of autonomy", we must insist that the first Chief Executive of the HKSAR be elected by universal suffrage.
As to the relationship between the executive and the legislature, I fully agree with the views expressed by the FAC on "accountability" (paragraph 3.21) and its recommendation that "where there is an irreconcilable conflict between the Legislative Council and the Chief Executive, the Chief Executive should resign." (paragraph 3.22).
Nationality/right of abode or life-line
During the recent democratic movement in China, the people of Hong Kong have joined in massive and orderly demonstrations protesting against the repressive actions taken by the present regime in China. And our people have marched in unison: liberals, conservatives, as well as people loyal to the Chinese Communist Party. But the democratic movement has now been branded as counter-revolutionary; and there can be little doubt that in the eyes of the Chinese leadership, our people are in rebellion. Our people have seen too how many activists in China are being hunted down, persecuted and then executed. And our people naturally fear the same crack-