HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL -5 July 1989
香港立法局 一九八九年七月五日
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Moscow, Hong Kong is now a captive city with a captive population, surrounded by fortifications which cannot keep the tanks out but which ironically will lock the people in, like prisoners in gaol, and, unwittingly or perhaps wittingly, Britain has become our gaolers.
Sir, I am in complete agreement with the Foreign Affairs Committee that the Joint Declaration should not be torn up but should be "retained as the foundation of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region's government and administrative system." But I hasten to add that I quite sympathize with the sentiments of my honourable friend Mr. Martin LEE, for the simple reason that no agreement can ever be perfect, particularly when coupled with changed circumstances. Mr. LEE mentioned the stationing of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) troops in Hong Kong and was of the opinion that that particular provision in the Joint Declaration should be renegotiated. But my interpretation of the said provision in section XII of Annex I to the Joint Declaration is that China has the right to station the PLA in Hong Kong for defence purposes only but does not have to. That is to say, it does not have an obligation to station PLA troops in Hong Kong. Therefore I suggest that we work out an article in the Basic Law to the effect that the PLA will not be stationed in Hong Kong and may enter Hong Kong only in times of war. I do not claim any authority in my interpretation and am prepared to further discuss the issue with my honourable colleagues.
Sir, I am also largely in agreement with the various conclusions and recommendations of the Foreign Affairs Committee in the first major area of that of the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law. I had already spoken at length on that particular subject during our debate on the draft Basic Law on 31 May 1989. Here I only wish to say that my views have remained largely unchanged. And what Mr. Martin LEE said earlier in response to that part of the report of FAC largely reflects my views also. I am prepared to further refine them together with my honourable colleague within the context of the OMELCO Constitutional Development Panel, for example, the best formulation to ensure that the four cardinal principles in the PRC's constitution will not apply to Hong Kong, and how best to safeguard human rights in Hong Kong. I personally am swayed by Mr. Martin LEE's arguments particularly on the question of human rights.
Sir, I now wish to speak briefly on the future political system. The Foreign Affairs Committee, in essence, recommends a speedier process of democratization prior to 1997 when Hong Kong is still Britain's responsibility. I had always believed that Hong Kong could move and should move faster towards democracy and had advocated direct elections for 1985 and then 1988. Both times I failed. Whilst I personally welcome any speedier move in this