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were underlying problems the Malaysian proposal that the Australian Commander of the IADS in Butterworth be replaced by a Malaysian was symptomatic. But, in general, Singapore was optimistic about the future of FPDA.
Cambodia
6.
Lord Glenarthur touched on Prince Sihanouk's recent visit to Britain and the less than successful meetings in Paris. BG Yeo said that so much was happening in relation to Cambodia that it was difficult to plot the course forward. But the aim was clear: a Cambodia with Sihanouk presiding over a loose coalition of the four factions. Thailand and China would continue to use the Khmer Rouge (KR) to keep the Vietnamese at bay. The Khmer Rouge would be in the coalition, but not dominant. The unacceptable Khmer Rouge figures (Pol Pot, Ieng Sary and some others, but perhaps not Khieu Samphan) would have to go. But as long as Vietnam maintained its aggressive posture, the Khmer Rouge would have to stay. Thailand and China would need to keep the "mad dogs" of the
Khmer Rouge on the sidelines.
7. For ASEAN, the JIM process was important. Normally ASEAN's influence was minimal. But now that the super-power blocs were moving, they possessed an opportunity to make some room for manoeuvre for themselves. The prospects for progress nevertheless hinged on relations between the Soviet Union and China. BG Yeo did not foresee progress in the JIM Working Party. The Indonesians and the Thais continued to differ in their views, with Indonesia fundamentally worried about the longer-term influence of China. The Singaporeans had explained to the Chinese that the way in which they approached the Cambodia crisis would be critical for China's future relationship with the whole of ASEAN. That relationship must surely be more important for the Chinese than the short-term problem in Cambodia.
Vietnamese Boat People (VBPs)
8.
Lord Glenarthur explained our policy on VBPS and the progress in our discussions with the Vietnamese.
The question
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