1902
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL
14 July 1988
being discussed by the legal profession and I have no intention of repeating the arguments here. I only hope that when the final draft is worked out, considera- tion will be given to balancing the relationship between the central authorities and the region, so as to alleviate the worries and the uneasiness of the people of Hong Kong.
As to the rights and duties of residents, many people are worried about the definition of 'permanent resident of the HKSAR'. According to the existing draft, only permanent residents of Hong Kong have the right to vote or be elected, and only Chinese nationals among the permanent residents can take up senior posts in the Civil Service, according to article 100. Hong Kong has achieved great success, apart from the industry of its residents who depend on our international links and resources which enable Hong Kong to compete with other regions economically. In recent years, many people have emigrated, resulting in some Hong Kong people possessing dual nationality. Whether this group of Hong Kong people holding foreign passports can contribute their expertise to our society will be a question of great significance. If foreign nationals and the many residents holding dual nationality feel that their development will be hampered in the future SAR, they will leave Hong Kong and look for development opportunities elsewhere. This will be Hong Kong's great loss and will affect its prosperity and stability. Consequently, in defining Hong Kong residents in the Basic Law, I hope that adequate consideration will be given to the special circumstances in Hong Kong, and expedient and appropriate arrangements will be made. Perhaps by so doing, we will be able, once again, to attract back the professionals who have left, so that they will be able to contribute their expertise once again to Hong Kong.
On our political structure-in the annexes, alternatives are listed for the selection of the Chief Executive, the constitution of the legislature, and the formation of the first Government. A lot of different alternatives and propo- sals are listed, leading to heated debate among people with different stands. However, such debates are limited to newspapers and other forms of media. Very seldom do they extend to the ordinary people. Each alternative involves principles and methods of its selection and are very technical. It is beyond the man in the street. To look into the future, I hope that the common people can be given more chances to fully understand the pros and cons of each alternative so that through cool-headed and rational discussions we can together come up with an election system that is most suited to Hong Kong's future. In fact, the alternatives listed in the draft Basic Law are by no means exhaustive, and they are not mutually exclusive either. I believe the alternative that will be accepted by the majority will be one that achieves a compromise, taking the best in each so that the interests of all parties will be taken care of.
Finally, there are articles on the economy and culture. Many have pointed out that specific policy provisions should not be made part of the Basic Law, otherwise the flexibility of the future SAR development will be restricted. There