tor. Foulkes]
Hong Kong
15 JULY 1988
been repeated in the debate today. That would cause unnecessary disruption, and the concept of the through train, which a number of hon. Members have mentioned, is rightly finding much wider favour in Hong Kong, as I found in the LegCo debate.
There still remains some debate, and some differences. on the composition and method of election of the Legislature and on the method of the choice and accountability of the Chief Executive. I am sure that most hon. Members will agree when I say that I hope that consensus can be found in Hong Kong on these issues because, again, its views are then more likely to be accepted in China. Our view is that the term in the joint declaration, “constituted by election,” is best reflected by direct elections, no matter what may be said by anyone of whatever eminence. Stretching a point, some form of indirect elections through an electoral college might be argued as fulfilling the obligation, although I do not like such a scheme. However, no stretching of the term can come up with the grand electoral college which, as other hon. Members have rightly said, means an attempt to legitimise some form of nomination.
Sir Russell Johnston: Will the hon. Gentleman give way?
Mr. Foulkes: I am a little short of time as I wish to leave the Minister as much time as possible to reply, so I will not give way.
Furthermore, the Chief Executive should be respons- ible to the Legislative Council, as others have said, or relations between them will be intolerable and confused, and the Chief Executive should be chosen from within Hong Kong.
We welcome the Foreign Secretary's statement that the reports of the proceedings in this place and in the other place will go to the Government of the People's Republic of China as part of the submission. We recognise that the Government of the United Kingdom have a responsibility to Hong Kong until midnight on 30 June 1997-as my right hon. Friend the Member for Gorton said with his usual unerring accuracy, for eight years. 11 months and 15 days. We have discussed the 1991 LegCo elections, and the Foreign Secretary and the Minister know that we are not happy with the proposal that only 18 per cent. of the members should be directly elected.
We must also consider what further progress will be made towards democracy and direct elections to the Legislative Council between 1991 and 1997. Perhaps, as there will be a Labour Government during that time. I should be answering my own question. Nevertheless, it may need some preliminary discussion before 1991, and I hope that the Minister will consider that. We should also monitor the further stages of the development of the consultation process and of the discussions over the next few years.
We should note two further points. First, we should acknowledge the valid admonition by the Government of China that nothing was done to advance democracy during a whole century of British responsibility. I am not proud of that. Secondly, we should acknowledge the essence of the joint declaration that, from 1 July 1997, the People's Republic of China will be sovereign. Some hon. Members have said that that means that the Chinese Government can do anything they wish, but, as others
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have said, there are constraints on them. Our responsibility is to secure all the safeguards that we can. realise their limitations, as the Financial Times said in its leader yesterday, and ensure that the Basic Law corresponds as much as possible with the spirit and letter of the joint declaration. After that it is a matter of trust.
In Beijing, the Government of the People's Republic of China described their signature of the joint declaration as a solemn commitment. I accept their sincerity — much. more than I do that of the present British Government on a number of issues. The Government of the People's Republic of China have asked us to join hands in making efforts to build up confidence. We should all be careful not to do anything, either deliberately or inadvertently, to undermine confidence in Hong Kong's future. The Government representatives whom we met added that China wanted to demonstrate, in deeds as well as in words, its commitment to one country, two systems, and to the future of Hong Kong. We said that the most striking evidence of that will be the account taken by the Chinese Government of the views, first, of all the people of Hong Kong and also of the British Parliament and Government during the consultation process.
I believe, from my observation of the current position in China-I am sure that the hon. Member for Hertford and Stortford, who I sometimes think of as my hon. Friend. would agree that the Chinese reject the cultural revolution even more than we do. There have been striking economic developments and, even more impor tant, the start of fundamental political change in China. China is also concerned about the future of Taiwan. From our assessment of the statements by the Chinese, we have no reason not to trust them. We have a responsibility to contribute to the building up of confidence the confidence that is so necessary for a successful and democratic future for the people of Hong Kong.
2.12 pm
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mr. Tim Eggar): I am sure we are all delighted that the hon. Member for Carrick. Cumnock and Doon Valley (Mr. Foulkes) has been able to return from China early to take part in the debate. I cannot help but reflect on the way in which he praised the economic revolution occurring in the People's Republic of China, although I sometimes wish that he would give rather more praise to the economic revolution that is occurring in the United Kingdom.
This has been another thoughtful and well-informed debate on Hong Kong. It reflects the great interest of the House in the territory's affairs and the depth of concern for Hong Kong and the future of its people. The debate has demonstrated the strong and undiminished sense of responsibility that we all feel towards Hong Kong and all its inhabitants. There should be no doubt that the British Parliament and Government intend to discharge their reponsibilities to Hong Kong to the full. That means that all of us are committed to doing all that we can to create the conditions for Hong Kong's continued prosperity up to and beyond 1997.
It is right that the debate has concentrated on the draft Basic Law. It is the instrument that will set out in legal form the principles and policies enshrined in the joint declaration. Therefore, it is the Basic Law, above all else, that can provide both the conditions for continuing
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