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opinion poll showed that one-third of the population believe that the Legislative Council already has directly elected members; one-third do not know; only one-third know the correct answer.) Other evidence recorded by the Survey Office showed a similar divergence of opinion. Most submissions were against direct elections in 1988. But signature campaigns, organised almost exclusively by the pro-1988 group, were overwhelmingly in favour. In debates in the Legislative Council, the Municipal Councils and the District Boards opinion was divided.
14.
On other issues such as the position of the Governor as President of the Legislative Council or the age of eligibility to vote and to stand for election, opinion was more clear cut. Generally the people of Hong Kong want things to remain as they are. Indeed, despite an obviously substantial group who are in favour of direct elections in 1988, the overall impression given by the survey exercise is of a population which wants gradual change and which, despite grumbles, is remarkably satisfied with present arrangements and in fearful of sudden change.
15.
Had Hong Kong opinion been as strongly in favour of direct elections in 1988 as it is in favour of introducing them before 1997, I am in no doubt that it would have been essential, in order to retain political credibility, to insist with Peking that they must be introduced in 1988. Equally, I am in no doubt that, whatever the eventual outcome of this approach, the immediate result would have been a damaging public confrontation. We were saved that difficult dilemma by the results of the Survey Office exercise. By the time of a further visit to Peking in December, I was able to tell the Chinese that we had taken a decision in principle not to introduce direct elections in 1988 but would announce a firm decision to do so in 1991, by replacing the existing 10 indirectly elected geographical representatives with 10 directly elected ones. I also said that in doing this we would make a suitable reference to the Basic Law in which by then, as a result of Chinese efforts, all the draft options contained a minimum of 25% directly elected seats.
16. It is only right to record that, from the moment it became clear to the Chinese that we were not going to introduce direct elections in 1988, they have carefully refrained from any damaging comment on the issue. They have been markedly co-operative on most issues affecting Hong Kong, including an outstandingly rapid response when we asked for assistance from the Bank of China during the October stock market crash. Apart from one question of translation and one minor point which they made clear was for us to decide, they made no comments on an advance copy we showed them of the relevant section of the White Paper.
/The White Paper
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