conflict of interests with the central government or provincial authorities in Mainland China.
The British Administration in Hong Kong should not therefore hesitate in introducing direct elections to 25% of the seats of the Legislative Council in 1988, while keeping 25% for Function al Constituencies, 25% for Electoral Colleges, and the remaining 25% for appointed members.
We submit that for the reasons given above, when the
Survey Office Report is properly analysed and understood, it shows convincingly that there is clear majority support from the people of Hong Kong for introducting direct elections in 1988.
Such a decision will not only accord with the wishes of the majority of the people of Hong Kong, but it will also restore their respect for their government.
It will further prove that you, Prime Minister, are a person of honour, and have the courage of your convictions. But more importantly, it will show the people of Hong Kong that there is hope yet in the future; and that they could have a government with a high degree of autonomy in 1997 to protect their interests under the terms of the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law. And if the people of Hong Kong feel confident about their future, the tide of emigration will ebb.
White Paper
But time is running short, for the Executive Council will soon come to its decision on the political review, and in particular, it will decide whether or not direct elections would be introduced in 1988. But their decision will have to be approved by your Government before it will be published in a White Paper on 10th February 1988.
We have reason to believe that the White Paper will say that although there is overwhelming support for direct elections before 1997, opinions are split as to whether or not they should be introduced in 1988 (though this is not true for the reasons given above); and that it is therefore proposed that direct election s would only be introduced in 1991 or If this should happen, it would seriously damage the credibility of the British Government.
1992.
Further, we fail to see the logic of postponing the introduction of direct elections for 3 or 4 years from 1988 to 1991 or 1992. If the Hong Kong Government can s ay in 1987, which is before the promulgation of the Basic Law, that direct elections will be introduced in 1991 or 1992 without fear of producing a lack of convergence with the Basic Law, then why could direct elections not be introduced in 1988?
Direct elections in 1988
We
submit that a decision not to hold direct election s in 1988 would be wholly unaccept able to the majority of the people of Hong Kong. For the introduction of direct elections is no longer just a question of timing. To most people in Hong Kong, it has become an indicator as to
whether