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5. I fear I have belaboured the point with rather fantastic scenarios, but I hope I have demonstrated that the link between our 2% contribution to UNBRO and the present economic and political climate in South-East Asia

when studied in isolation is so tenuous as to be meaningless. One could do precisely the same with paragraphs 10 (c) and (d), 12(e), 8(f) and 13. In fact the whole tenor of the paper appears to be to prove that we have an efficient, cost-effective policy rather than objectively to assess how efficient it is. Going back to my original point, this could only be done by judging the programme against its true objectives, (ie, not against overall UK foreign policy objectives) perhaps studying in addition the political spin-offs it may have.

6.

Presentation. When preparing a report which will be published and available to the public one must consider the effect it might produce. This does not seem to have been done. As said above, this paper is rather self-serving, which I doubt would go down too well with our critics. A narrower and more concrete approach would much enhance the paper. The scope should be limited to those aspects where the programme has a demonstratable cause and effect, together with a review of the spin-offs and a speculation as to the more tenuous, less tangible consequences.

7. But much more importantly, if this paper is to be published and become freely available to refugee groups nationally and internationally, it must be cast in terms of humanitarian objectives, not of foreign policy objectives with humanitarian concerns considered as an afterthought. The ultimate objectives of this paper make no mention of humanitarian concerns but, even worse, name the unresolved refugee problem as putting at risk our security and economic interests. Humanitarian concerns are relegated to a bland "helping to solve or relieve the refugee problem" (whereas one of the ultimate objectives should be to resolve the refugee problem and remove the root causes which generate refugees) and even that is then further watered down by references to "being seen to be helping", "achieving an appropriate balance of effort" and "relieving any further pressure on Hong Kong" - all political, not humanitarian, arguments for continuing a humanitarian programme.

8. I am quite prepared to believe that our ultimate reasons for running this programme are political. Such a cynical approach is laudible in the confines of the FCO provided it is tempered with some humanitarian concern. I am horrified at the prospect of us broadcasting this fact to the refugee community. One can just imagine the comments one Mr Bob Geldof might have on HMG using refugees and refugee aid as political pawns for the advancement of foreign policy ends and the subsequent field day the media would have (not to mention the PQs!). It would not enhance the UK' S reputation as a civilised, enlightened and humanitarian nation.

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