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own right, rather than in her present GATT relationship
to the 'metropolitan power') whether China itself was a
contracting party or not. Even were China not to
accede to the GATT, we believe that if it had
previously made a statement to the effect that Hong
Kong would, after 1997, continue to be a customs
territory which possessed full autonomy in the conduct
of its external economic relations, and that China
supported the retention after 1997 by Hong Kong of its
position in relation to the GATT, this should do the
trick. But in any circumstances, Chinese goodwill and
cooperation would be necessary. There would need to be
close coordination between the British and Chinese
Governments over public statements, over approaches to
the GATT Secretariat and over the lobbying of other
contracting parties.
9.
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This goodwill and cooperation would be jeopardized
if we were to be among those opposing. let alone
preventing
Chinese accession to the GATT.
Although
Chinese obstructionism over Hong Kong's future
relationship with the GATT might be technically in
breach of the Hong Kong Agreement, it could easily be
camouflaged and we would have a hard task in seeking to
enforce the letter of the Agreement in this respect.
It is of vital importance that Hong Kong's trading
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