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over Hong Kong. If the power rests in the Governor's hands during British rule, but is hastily shifted to the pro-British elements in

the Legislative Council during the transition period, so that the

chief executive becomes a mere puppet, it is tantamount to handing

over only sovereignty but not administrative power and the two have,

in fact, become separated. Besides, by drawing up in advance a

government framework which by passes China's authority, enabling the

self-rule government to derive its power from Hong Kong and not the

Chinese NPC, the British are not handing over sovereignty in the

proper way and sovereignty remains in Hong Kong.

The most significant sign that the British are handing over

sovereignty to China is to allow the Chinese NPC to formulate the

Basic Law and draw up provisions for Hong Kong's political system in

accordance with the provisions of the Joint Declaration. This is the

embodiment of sovereignty. If the British come up with a political

system of their own during the transition period and expect the

Chinese to accept it, it will no longer be a technical issue, but a

question of whether sovereignty will be genuinely handed over or not.

Timothy Renton will be visiting Hong Kong at the end of

October. This will be a turning point in Britain's adjustment of Hong

Kong's political reforms. Are these reforms preparatory arrangements

prior to change or will the existing arrangements be adopted? One can

get a clue to the question when Mr Renton comes here. It appears that

Mr Renton will be here to collect opinions within the Government and

then return to London for further instructions. But judging from the situation, the original to plan for political reforms vill certainly

slow down and amendments will be made. The Green Paper of 1987 can

hardly predict the progress of the Basic Law's drafting. It is more advisable to delay its publication than to push it through bastily.

22 October 1985

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