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Hong Kong as it then was for 50 years. The British administrative system had been rather successful and should not be changed. The British were responsible for the administration of Hong Kong until 1997 but changing the set up was not within the scope of this. He inferred that Mr ZHOU was not in favour of reforms at all.
5. Sir Peter pressed him further saying that ZHOU's remark about discussions was meaningless if there could be no reforms. XU then said that he thought that ZHOU Nan recognised that as a matter of fact reforms had taken place, and China was not suggesting that they should be put into reverse. But they should be discussed with the Chinese Government.
6.
Sir Peter noted that the Joint Declaration provided for an elected legislature after 1997.
He
Save asked XU how it would be elected. XU replied that he was a very close link between the question of what powers the legislature would have and how it should be elected. Both these areas needed to be defined into the Basic Law. Depending on the powers of the legislature, the electoral system might be indirect, direct, or perhaps a mixture of the two, or on the basis of functional constituencies. But we need to discuss these things.
7.
He saw three possible situations. One in which British reforms did not agree at all with the Basic Law; one in which there was something in common between British reforms and the Basic Law; finally one in which British reforms were entirely in agreement with the Basic Law. This last could be described as "the three happinesses": happiness for Britain, China and Hong Kong.
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