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[Mr. Andrew Faulds]
Hong Kong
5 DECEMBER 1984
think that they will be before 1997-will privilege in the sense that we in this House enjoy it, of protection from prosecution, apply to members of that body?
Consideration must be given too to the abondonment of the oath of loyalty to the Queen-much as we love that admirable lady. The view has been expressed in Hong Kong that future members of the legislative council might not be prepared to give such an oath.
I am sorry to have had to rattle through my speech at such a ridiculous speed. I hope that the 10-minute limit will be reconsidered. However, I shall be grateful if the hon. Gentleman will make some reference to all those points.
8.42 pm
Mr. Hal Miller (Bromsgrove): I wish to treat with the subject of change raised by the hon. Member for Warley, East (Mr. Faulds) in the context of the need to maintain the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong. Several hon. Members have spoken today of the need for a realistic approach. I trust that my own note of realism will not jar on the atmosphere of eulogy and euphoria that has largely permeated the debate so far. I have already congratulated those responsible on the achievement of the draft agreement, but we are now more concerned with its implementation.
First, there is a question of prosperity. Hong Kong must prosper if it is to continue to enjoy its present autonomy, let alone the autonomy promised by China, because a Hong Kong that is not prosperous would not merit the operation of the concept of two systems within one country. China's concern for the prosperity of Hong Kong is evident from that country's expressed worries about the budget deficits in Hong Kong and the level of welfare benefits already available, which are not paralleled on the mainland.
Hong Kong, therefore, is under an obligation to succeed. That obligation has certain positive features. There has to be a response in the development of new products and the promotion of new markets. That, coupled with the political change now set in train, will inevitably involve changes in the education system in Hong Kong which-in parenthesis-I myself think are long overdue and would have hoped to see brought forward after the 1967 riots.
Negatively, there is the pressing need for Hong Kong to be protected against the swelling tide of protectionism in the developed markets of the world. That is a matter in which Britain's role and continuing interest are most important. As a member of the EEC, we are not only an important customer but the possesser of an important voice in the international bodies which regulate trade. We must secure Hong Kong's separate and autonomous representa- tion on those bodies. Britain must also do a great deal of detailed negotiation on behalf of Hong Kong on such matters as traffic rights for Cathay Pacific Airways until 1997.
However much some people in Hong Kong may object -and some do-to continuing British involvement, and however much others may feel let down by Britain, Britain still has a responsibility to exercise. We will continue to be responsible for defending Hong Kong's interests on the joint liaison group before the year 2000.
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The second matter of importance is the stability of Hong Kong. Peking could not stand idly by and watch Hong Kong become unstable. That assumption has nothing to do with the draft agreement. It has been the case ever since 1949 that destabilisation would inevitably bring involvement. That is why the draft agreement provides for Britain to contiue to administer Hong Kong until 1997,
and I believe, why the British Government have declared their determination to govern until the transfer of sovereignty and adminstration takes place. After 1997, under the agreement, Hong Kong will still remain responsible for internal security. It is foolish to ask China whether it intends to station the PLA in Hong Kong or to introduce conscription. The Chinese are bound to say that they have every right to do so. However, there is no evidence that they wish to do so.
Hong Kong has to maintain internal security, and it will be important to maintain a strong civil service, free from political manipulation, as well as an independent judiciary. Hong Kong's commercial, financial and industrial success depends on laws that are certain and subject to independent interpretation as much as on an impartial and efficient civil service and police force.
The agreement provides for an executive to be subject to an elected legislature. The question that exercises many hon. Members is how those elections fit in with the concept of continuing British administration, the maintenance of stability and the transfer of power. On what system, furthermore, should they be based? A recent editorial in the Ming Pao paper made it plain that China had promised a high degree of autonomy but not necessarily a high degree of democracy. It is obviously important not to rouse any further the suspicions of Peking that were already roused when the Green Paper was introduced before the negotiations on the draft agreement were completed. There is a danger that the Chinese may regard the White Paper as having been produced in an undue hurry. It is most important not to regard the elections as a test of China's sincerity about the agreement or to take them as an earnest of Britain's washing her hands of responsibility for Hong Kong. We must all understand that China would be bound to oppose the formation of a pro-Taiwan right-wing political front. That could only have a destablising effect.
The White Paper was surely right to provide increased opportunities for training people in elections and leadership while allowing for consultation with China on the joint liaison group. We have to take China along with us and to settle Chinese suspicions, and the result is not likely to be an electoral system based on the Westminster model. As the UMELCO paper recognises, it is likely that a Hong Kong system will evolve and that Hong Kong leaders will emerge to stand up for Hong Kong's interests. The aims of Britain, China and Hong Kong are the same to work for a prosperous and stable Hong Kong. There will be increasing cooperation to that end, and not only on the joint liaison group for whose work the assessment office report has provided an initial agenda. People have derided the assessment office, but its report reflects views in Hong Kong, as the opinion poll commissioned by UMELCÓ has confirmed. In view of the attack made on UMELCO, I should like to pay tribute to it as its poll has been found to reflect all sectors of opinion in Hong Kong. Some tribute should be paid to the care and trouble that it has taken to elaborate it and for the excellence of its memorandum.
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