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belief that the Chinese would think we were guiding Hong Kong
towards independence and a fear that there would be a clash between
KNT and Communist supporters. Although the Chinese are, no doubt,
thinking only in terms of a situation where the ultimate fate of
Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region is settled, there
are advantages in this for us. The more Hong Kong has
representative institutions, the more these institutions can share
the burden of representing the wishes of the people of Hong Kong
to Peking; and the more difficult it will be for Peking to
represent any failure of policy there as being a deliberate plot
by HMG.
Prospects
18. If all goes well, we have therefore the chance of
constructing a tolerable edifice on the basis of the Chinese plan.
But when that has been said we must face the possibility that the
best we can do will remain unacceptable to Hong Kong opinion and
unattractive to British opinion, particularly if that opinion is
unaware of the realistic alternative against which any final
package is to be judged. We have been compelled progressively
to lower our sights. We are already prepared to contemplate
abandoning any British link of authority with Hong Kong, seeking
only the best degree of autonomy for the territory we can achieve.
We must recognise, however, that this degree of autonomy may look
inadequate to us. We may not achieve all the assurances mentioned
in para 16 above. The Chinese may insist on definitions too
restrictive to meet our and Hong Kong's requirements, eg the
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13.
/possible