all of Hong Kong
Robert Adley
HONG KONG is a quirk of fate; an awkward child of history, anxiously approach. ing maturity and the out- come of the talks in Beijing. Her parents, Bri- tain and China, see her as an obstacle in the way of good relations between two coun- tries which have many aims, and enemies, in common. The Beijing talks, between two friendly countries, ought to secure a better future for the citizens of Hong Kong than would negotiations be- tween hostile and antagonis- tic negotiators.
concern
The priority in discussions on the future of Hong Kong
be must
her for people. Of course, the finan- cial and commercial impli cations
of are
immense significance. Yet Britain's obligation-keenly felt by citizens-is
Hong
Kong
primarily to the local citi. zenry. What, if anything, can do to secure their
we future?
Politicians who delude themselves into believing that the world is as they would like it to be, rather than as it really is, are dan. gerous creatures. Whatever our wishes, whatever the aspirations of Hong Kong's citizens, however proud we may be of our past colonial history, it must be reality, rather than wishful thinking, that is our guide as
14 talks turn to "discussions," and thence to negotiations," be- tween Her Majesty's Govern- ment and the Government of the People's Republic over the future of Hong Kong.
Who wants what? The people of Hong Kong want stability and the right to con-
tinue to live in freedom and peace a right that they have enjoyed under the Union Jack. We, the British, want to retain our reputation for fair play, and for looking after those for whom we are ostensibly responsible. The Government in Beijing, pre- sumably, wants to regain ter- ritorial sovereignty over part of China taken from them many years ago. Is it possible to satisfy these three de- mands?
are
At school I learnt Greek logic. We are told that Hong Kong Island and Kowloon without the New Territories, neither politically nor economically
We viable. know that the New Terri- tories-about 90 per cent of the land mass-belongs to China. It is, therefore, essen- tial to negotiate a constitu- tional package for the whole territory to come into force after the expiry of the Lease in 1996. We are not going to war with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. This being so, it is clear that the future of Hong Kong actually rests in the hands of the politicians in Beijing. To deny this is to deny the rea- lity and to create dan- gerous illusion.
a
The Government of the People's Republic could have over-run Hong Kong at any time in the last 25 years: all they needed to do was to call off their own border guards. The fact they have not done SO is attributable to self- interest rather than philanth- ropy. We come, therefore, to the next reality: that China perceives it to be in her in- terests to maintain stability in Hong Kong. To this end she has offered to change her
own constitution to allow the territory to maintain its own individual life-style under the sovereignty of the People's Republic.
This could include the right to retain the capitalist system: and the vital factor of the retention of a border between the territory and the People's Republic itself. The presence of six million ambi- tious and disaffected capita- lists encompassed fully and freely within the People's Re- public holds little appeal in Beijing. China needs stability in Hong Kong; the people of Ilong Kong pray for stability; Britain hopes to be able gradually to relinquish her hold on Hong Kong while re- taining stability. All three parties want much the same thing. What is to stop its achievement?
The continuing uncertainty in the Hong Kong situation is
the risk of mis-read signals. Shadow boxing is an unavoidable feature of this tripartite relationship. The Government in Beijing cannot openly acknowledge capitalist Hong Kong's use- fulness to them. Yet, for Her Majesty's Government to mis- understand the nuances of China's position is one factor likely to lead to destabilisa- tion and the prevention of a peaceful transition which allows Hong Kong to con- tinue its extraordinary exis- tence.
One feature of the talks in the last year has been the slow acceptance by the British side of the importance of re- ality as opposed to legality in all these discussions. Sover. eignty" is a word: but an important word nonetheless. I believe that Her Majesty's
Government should, at the outset, have accepted the validity of the Chinese claim to sovereignty over all the territory of Hong Kong. Per- haps our failure fully to com- prehend the importance of sovereignty to China is matched only by the Chinese failure fully to comprehend the delicate balance of the scales of capitalism on which Hong Kong rests. Confidence. is at the heart of the problem. Those who disagree with me over sovereignty argue that giving it up is tantamount to chucking in the cards. To use such a phrase is totally to misunderstand the position: or to believe that we have aces up our sleeve. We do not.
can
2.
The maintenance' of confi- dence
which upon
Hong Kong's future rests is not
which something
be measured precisely like pound of tea. Ultimately, Hong Kong's future depends upon the assessment of its leading citizens of their abil ity to continue with a life- style to which they have become accustomed. This assessment may, but in my view should not be in- fluenced
primarily by
whether ot not a signed and sealed agreement, ratified by the United Nations or any- body else, can be negotiated.
Nobody can be certain of the future. No agreement, however carefully drafted, can or will commit China's future leaders in 10, 20, 50 or 100 years' time to accept the new status quo negotiated now. Hong Kong's future unique enclave, depends on reaching an acceptable arrangement with an acquies- cent Government in Beijing.
as a
1
The longer the talking con- tinues, the more aggravation that is stirred up, and the less likely it is that a satis- factory arrangement can be made. If only the people of Hong Kong would see that their constant hostility to acceptance of the inevitabi- lity of change is militating against their own self-inter- est.
•
Finally, what of Britain, and of Westminster? In the. Queen's Speech the Govern ment stated they would "con-f tinue talks with China on the future of Hong Kong, with the aim of reaching a solu- tion acceptable to this Parlia ment, to China and to thej people of Hong Kong." Seek ing to measure the acceptabi- lity of any agreement to the people of Hong Kong illús- trates our greatest failure.j By our unwillingness years ago to provide Hong Kong, with a democratically-elected legislature we have not en franchised Hong Kong's people. The brutal reality is that the legislature in Hong Kong's is not representative of her citizens and cer tainly not of the millions of young people in whose hands. the future lies.
I know my views are uns popular in Hong Kong, but we can only plead with the people there to trust Her Majesty's Government, and the the Government of the People's Republic to reach an. agreement which secures a reasonable future for them.' As has been said in another, context
No There Is Alternaive.
Robert Adley is Conserva tive MP for Christchurch and chairman of the British. Chinese Parliamentary Group.