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the first stage' I would hope that the idea would not be put off indefinitely. It is important that we encourage the growth of genuinely local autonomy in good time before 1997. We cannot expect
the British-established colonial civil service system to be the
permanent centre piece of Hong Kong's constitutional development. well established ministerial system would contribute strongly to the
creation of a credible autonomous government which might hope to
stand up to Chinese pressure and might have some claim to be
representative in the eyes of the international community.
LIKELY CHINESE REACTIONS
13. Despite their propaganda line, we could not expect the Chinese to welcome wholeheartedly ideas from our side to improve represented
government in Hong Kong. They showed their suspicion of partly-elected District Boards even before their establishment in
1982. On the other hand, they have often claimed that the Executive
and Legislative Councils are unrepresentative of public opinion because they are appointed by the Governor. The 12 points outlined
by Yao Guang on 14 November include a reference to elections or
consultations being held prior to the appointment of principal
(27 D officials in Hong Kong after 1997. Sir P Cradock considers that
there is nothing in the Governor's proposals to which the Chinese could legitimately take exception, but that their capacity for
suspicion and trouble-making should not be underestimated. He advises that we should aim to ensure that they are aware beforehand of what we intend, while avoiding any suggestion that we need to
seek their permission. One way to do this would be by means of the
working paper on Government and administrative arrangements for Hong
Kong after 1997, which should contain some generalised statements
about the Governmental system in the transitional phase as part of
the background.
2 December 1983
Shipp
R D Clift
r
Hong Kong Department
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